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Turner Broadcasting System, Inc. January 20, The Huffington Post. Retrieved January 23, Others suggested that he simply was paraphrasing a sentence in Justice Stevens's dissent: "[t]he Court today rejects a century of history when it treats the distinction between corporate and individual campaign spending as an invidious novelty born of Austin v.

Michigan Chamber of Commerce , U. Archived from the original on February 13, Retrieved February 22, January 28, Archived from the original on April 8, Huffington Post — Yahoo! Archived from the original on January 31, Daily News. New York. January 29, Archived from the original on February 2, New York Post. Archived from the original on February 1, Mother Jones.

Mother Jones and the Foundation for National Progress. The Public Record. Archived from the original on January 25, The Iowa Independent. Kerry backs changing Constitution to deal with Supreme Court decision". Capitol Hill Publishing Corp. Retrieved February 6, Bernie Sanders, I—Vt. The Burlington Free Press. Archived from the original on July 12, Supreme Court ruling to remove limits on corporate and union spending in political campaigns" Press release.

United States Senate. Archived from the original on January 26, Bernie Sanders. Retrieved September 29, The Intercept. Supreme Court ruling on election spending" Press release. January 22, Retrieved November 8, An analysis of the ruling and a possible legislative response". Harvard Law Review. Archived from the original on March 7, John Marshall Law Review.

Change Archived May 13, , at the Wayback Machine 5 Retrieved January 27, Newsweek, Inc. The Christian Science Monitor. Retrieved December 6, Bullock Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy. Retrieved June 7, April 17, Archived from the original on April 17, Archived from the original PDF on July 27, FEC Case Summary".

Retrieved October 13, The Campaign Legal Center. The Wall Street Journal. Supreme Court of the United States. Retrieved June 26, Bullock " PDF. The Atlantic. June 25, The Daily Beast. James Madison Center for Free Speech. August 16, February 11, Retrieved February 14, Congressional Democrats outlined legislation Thursday aimed at undoing a recent Supreme Court decision that allows corporations and interest groups to spend freely on political advertising.

September 24, Los Angeles Times. July 6, Boulder Weekly July 14, Retrieved November 1, Huffington Post. Rock River Times. Archived from the original on December 8, Retrieved December 16, Retrieved August 1, Retrieved January 28, Hasen October 25, Colbert Super PAC.

September 22, Der Spiegel. Retrieved September 11, Retrieved October 12, Retrieved November 26, April 26, Retrieved April 26, Retrieved October 24, United States Supreme Court election-related cases. Presidential election cases. McPherson v. Blacker Ray v. Blair Anderson v. Celebrezze Bush v. Gore Chiafalo v. Washington Texas v. Pennsylvania Voting rights cases. Williams v. Mississippi Giles v. Harris Guinn v. United States Oregon v.

Mitchell Presley v. Etowah County Comm'n Crawford v. Holder Husted v. Randolph Institute Electoral fraud cases. Taylor v. Beckham Newberry v. United States Nixon v. Condon United States v. Classic Williams v. Rhodes Buckley v. Valeo Citizens United v. FEC United States First Amendment case law.

Establishment Clause. Stone v. Graham Marsh v. Chambers Lynch v. Donnelly Board of Trustees of Scarsdale v. McCreary County of Allegheny v. Perry Pleasant Grove City v. Summum Salazar v. Buono Town of Greece v. Galloway American Legion v. American Humanist Ass'n Walz v. Caldor, Inc. Amos Texas Monthly, Inc. Bullock City of Boerne v. Flores Cutter v. Wilkinson Everson v. Board of Education McCollum v.

Board of Education Lemon v. Kurtzman Mueller v. Allen Aguilar v. Felton Board of Ed. Grumet Agostini v. Felton Mitchell v. Helms Zelman v. Simmons-Harris Arizona Christian Sch. Tuition Org. Winn Zorach v. Clauson Engel v. Vitale Abington School District v. Schempp Epperson v. Arkansas Stone v.

Graham Wallace v. Jaffree Edwards v. Aguillard Westside Community Board of Ed. Mergens Lee v. Weisman Santa Fe Ind. School Dist. Doe Elk Grove Unif. Newdow Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School Dist. Lamb's Chapel v. Pinette Rosenberger v.

Milford Central School United States v. Ballard Presbyterian Church v. Hull Church Jones v. Wolf McGowan v. Maryland Torcaso v. Watkins Larkin v. Grendel's Den, Inc. Grumet Trump v. Hawaii Free Exercise Clause. Reynolds v. United States Davis v. Beason Cantwell v. Connecticut Minersville School District v.

Gobitis Jamison v. Texas Murdock v. Pennsylvania Tucker v. Texas Kunz v. New York Braunfeld v. Brown Sherbert v. Verner Wisconsin v. Yoder McDaniel v. Paty Harris v. McRae Thomas v. Review Board United States v. Lee Bob Jones University v. United States Bowen v.

Roy Goldman v. Weinberger O'Lone v. Estate of Shabazz Employment Division v. Smith Church of Lukumi Babalu Aye v. City of Hialeah Watchtower Society v. Village of Stratton Masterpiece Cakeshop v. Colorado Civil Rights Comm'n Locke v.

Davey Trinity Lutheran Church v. Comer Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue Hosanna-Tabor v. Morrissey-Berru Freedom of speech portal. Patten S. United States Debs v. United States Abrams v. United States Gitlow v. New York Whitney v. California Fiske v. Kansas Dennis v. United States Communist Party v. Subversive Activities Control Bd. United States , clear and present danger Bond v. Floyd Brandenburg v. Ohio , imminent lawless action Hess v. Indiana United States v.

Williams New York Times Co. Sullivan Hustler Magazine v. Falwell United States v. Alvarez Susan B. Anthony List v. Driehaus Cantwell v. Connecticut Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire Terminiello v. City of Chicago Feiner v. New York Gregory v. City of Chicago Cohen v. California Nat'l Socialist Party v. Village of Skokie R. City of St.

Paul Snyder v. Phelps Watts v. Claiborne Hardware Co. Black Elonis v. United States Rosen v. United States United States v. One Book Called Ulysses S. United States One, Inc. Olesen Smith v. California Marcus v. Day Jacobellis v. Ohio Quantity of Books v. Kansas Ginzburg v. United States Memoirs v. Massachusetts Redrup v. New York Ginsberg v. New York Stanley v. Georgia United States v. Thirty-seven Photographs Kois v. Wisconsin Miller v. California Paris Adult Theatre I v.

Slaton United States v. Reels of Film Jenkins v. Georgia Erznoznik v. City of Jacksonville Young v. American Mini Theatres, Inc. Hudnut 7th Cir. Freeman Cal. X-Citement Video, Inc. Playboy Entertainment Group, Inc. ACLU Nitke v. Gonzales S. Strickland 6th Cir. Kilbride 9th Cir. Stevens Brown v. Fox Television Stations, Inc. New York v. Ferber Osborne v. Ohio Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project Williams-Yulee v.

Florida Bar Smith v. Goguen Board of Airport Commissioners v. Jews for Jesus Minnesota Voters Alliance v. Mansky Stromberg v. California United States v. O'Brien Cohen v. California Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence Dallas v. Stanglin Texas v. Johnson United States v. Eichman Barnes v. Glen Theatre City of Erie v. Pap's A. Black Paul Reed v. Town of Gilbert Barr v. American Association of Political Consultants Schneider v. New Jersey Renton v. Playtime Theatres, Inc. Gilleo Packingham v.

North Carolina Davis v. Massachusetts Hague v. CIO Thornhill v. Alabama Martin v. City of Struthers Niemotko v. Maryland Edwards v. South Carolina Cox v. Louisiana Brown v. Louisiana Adderley v. Florida Carroll v. Town of Princess Anne Coates v. City of Cincinnati Org. Keefe Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence Frisby v. Schultz Ward v. Rock Against Racism Burson v. Freeman Schenck v. Colorado McCullen v. Coakley Widmar v. Vincent Rosenberger v. Lehman v. Shaker Heights Perry Education Association v.

Minersville School District v. Barnette Miami Herald Publishing Co. Tornillo Wooley v. Maynard Pruneyard Shopping Center v. Public Utilities Comm'n of California Hurley v. Becerra Abood v. Beck Keller v. State Bar of California Lehnert v. Southworth Johanns v. Livestock Marketing Ass'n Davenport v.

Washington Education Ass'n Locke v. Karass Knox v. Quinn Friedrichs v. California Teachers Ass'n Janus v. Regan v. Taxation with Representation of Washington Rust v. Sullivan National Endowment for the Arts v. Finley Legal Services Corp.

Alliance for Open Society II Walker v. Texas Div. Tam Iancu v. Brunetti American Communications Ass'n v. Douds Garner v. Board of Public Works Speiser v. Randall Keyishian v. Board of Regents Communist Party of Indiana v. Whitcomb Barnette Tinker v. Des Moines Ind. Community School Dist. Pico Bethel School District v. Fraser Hazelwood School District v. Kuhlmeier Westside Community Board of Ed. Mergens Rosenberger v. Frederick Gillman v.

Pickering v. Board of Education Elrod v. Burns Mt. Healthy City School Dist. Board of Ed. Doyle Givhan v. Western Line Consol. Myers Rankin v. McPherson Rutan v. Republican Party of Illinois Waters v. Churchill Garcetti v. Ceballos Borough of Duryea v. Guarnieri Lane v. Franks Heffernan v. City of Paterson Ex parte Curtis United Public Workers v. Mitchell U. Civil Service Comm'n v. National Ass'n of Letter Carriers Broadrick v.

Oklahoma Mutual Film Corp. Industrial Comm'n of Ohio Cox v. New Hampshire Murdock v. Pennsylvania Kunz v. New York Joseph Burstyn, Inc. Wilson Kingsley Books, Inc. Button Freedman v. Maryland Hoffman Estates v.

The Flipside, Hoffman Estates, Inc. Nationalist Movement Valentine v. Chrestensen Rowan v. Post Office Dept. Pittsburgh Comm'n on Human Relations Bigelow v. Virginia Virginia State Pharmacy Bd. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council Bates v. State Bar of Arizona Linmark Assoc. Public Service Commission Consol. Edison Co. Public Serv. Comm'n Zauderer v. Tourism Co.

Olympic Committee Lebron v. National Railroad Passenger Corp. Went For It, Inc. Rhode Island Lorillard Tobacco Co. Reilly Sorrell v. IMS Health Inc. Buckley v. Valeo First National Bank of Boston v. Bellotti Citizens Against Rent Control v. City of Berkeley FEC v. Massachusetts Citizens for Life Austin v. FEC Nixon v. White McConnell v. FEC Randall v.

Sorrell FEC v. FEC Citizens United v. Bennett American Tradition Partnership v. Bullock McCutcheon v. FEC Williams-Yulee v. Florida Bar Thompson v. Hebdon NAACP v. Alabama Buckley v. Valeo Brown v. Ohio Elections Comm'n Doe v. Reed Marsh v. Alabama Lloyd Corp. Tanner Manhattan Community Access Corp. Halleck Lozman v. City of Riviera Beach Nieves v. Bartlett Freedom of the press. Patterson v. By the time Gillard officially launched the ALP campaign on 16 August , the campaign had canvassed key issues such as:.

The speech highlighted her values, her family and upbringing, and emphasised Labor policies—particularly education policies. It is interesting to note that in the Coalition lost the election with In the Coalition received a comparable level of primary votes As the Coalition continued to announce both budget savings measures and spending commitments it faced increased pressure to have these costed by Treasury or the Department of Finance and Deregulation.

The Charter of Budget Honesty Act the Charter outlines arrangements under which the Secretaries to the Treasury and of the Department of Finance and Deregulation the Secretaries may be requested to cost Government and Opposition election commitments during the Caretaker Period prior to a general election. This gave the ALP an opportunity to criticise the Coalition on the grounds both of a delay in releasing their costings [] and their accuracy. The Australian Greens party had been for some time a prominent player in the Senate elections.

During the campaign they appeared to be increasing their standing even further, polling between 12 to 14 per cent of the primary vote in the lead-up to polling day. However, both parties emphasised that the deal was not dependent upon policy positions. The Australian Greens were the first party to officially launch their campaign—on 1 August —with Senator Brown highlighting their policy focus on improved dental care, action on climate change, marriage equality and euthanasia.

Opinion poll support for the Greens increased throughout the country but nowhere was this more significant than in the lower house electorate of Melbourne. The ABC television program Gruen Nation even ran a mock advertising pitch on 11 August , with a commercial company devising an election advertisement for the Greens. The Democratic Labor Party DLP has not had representation in federal Parliament since the double dissolution election of , but was a significant minor party prior to that election, having had five members in federal parliament at the height of their success.

The same proportional representation electoral system that facilitated their entry into the Senate through the s, 60s and 70s, paved the way for John Madigan to win his seat in In the 42 nd Parliament, the lower house had three sitting Independents— Bob Katter, Tony Windsor and Rob Oakeshott who had won the seat of Lyne at a by-election in All were considered safe to be returned at the election.

After the election, Crook announced that he would sit as an independent member representing the Nationals WA rather than with the Coalition. Former intelligence officer Andrew Wilkie stood as an Independent candidate and won the previously Labor-held seat of Denison. Wilkie had previously stood as an Australian Greens candidate at the federal election in the seat of Bennelong against the former Prime Minister John Howard.

Wilkie resigned from the Australian Greens party in Prior to winning a seat at the federal election in , he ran in the Tasmanian state elections as an Independent candidate but just failed to obtain a quota. The previous federal election campaign in had seen some politicians begin to use social media.

The Kevin07 campaign in particular was noted for the way it embraced online methods to reach out to the Australian public, in particular young voters. The Australian political scientist Jim MacNamara evaluated the change in social media use from the election to election. He observed that of the federal candidates re-contesting their seats at the election, had a personal website, 92 were on Twitter and had a Facebook page. This was up from the election where had a personal website, Twitter was not in use and only 8 candidates had a Facebook page.

While politicians increased their use of social media, so did journalists, with various media outlets posting live blogs, hour news coverage, tweets and interactive television programs. The essential feature of social media is to engage in a conversation and to encourage a two-way and even multiple interactions, whether between politicians, journalists or the general public. They still exist in an off-line world where engagement consists of pumping out one-way, pre-packaged messages.

In reality, political engagement with the voters is a risk-averse business. There is a fear of the unguarded moment, of the picture opportunity that goes wrong. The party leaders appear instead on television, accompanied by a retinue of advisers and managers all devoted to constructing an acceptable message for the evening news bulletins.

In the electorate of Melbourne, Greens candidate Adam Bandt was running a close race to become the Australian Greens first lower house member at a general election. His chances had improved as a result of the retirement of ALP sitting member and prominent front-bencher, Lindsay Tanner, who had fended off the Greens in the election. After winning the seat with a swing of 13 per cent in the first preference vote and a Electoral Commissioner which allowed around additional eligible voters to vote.

Of the 14 people entitled to vote at the federal election, 13 representing In this latter figure was 5. There were informal votes cast at the House of Representatives election nationwide, representing 5. In its account of the election provided to the Joint Standing Committee on Electoral Matters, the Commission declared that:.

Polling proceeded as scheduled. Against the background of the closest federal election since , results were delivered credibly and expeditiously, and none of the parties represented in the Parliament petitioned the Court of Disputed Returns. Both episodes were matters of deep regret to the organisation, but were dealt with openly and transparently once they came to light.

With over 1. Indicative data for out-posted Pre-poll Voting Centres PPVC and Divisional Office Pre-polls show that by the launch of the Abbott campaign on 8 August, almost , votes had been cast and by the launch of the Gillard campaign on 16 August, almost , votes had been cast. Does the trend to pre-poll voting encourage poll-driven approaches to campaigning that seek to micro-manage campaign messages on a day-to-day basis in response to perceived voter mood or the latest media issue?

Or are pre-poll voters largely rusted-on party supporters unaffected by campaign messages, or else swinging voters who have nevertheless settled on their choice before campaigning commences? It will be interesting to monitor the nature of campaigning and any correlations with pre-polling in future elections. In the decades since World War 2, Australian federal governments have held absolute majorities more than half of the seats in the House of Representatives.

With the general election of 21 August this pattern was disrupted. Indeed, the Coalition and the ALP emerged with an equal number of seats. The composition of the House of Representatives after the election is set out in Table 1 below. Table 1. Composition of the House of Representatives following the general election [].

In the Senate, for instance, the absence of an absolute majority for the major parties is nothing new. From to neither the ALP nor the Coalition, in government or in opposition, had an absolute majority in the Senate. For most of the last 61 years governments have not enjoyed absolute majorities in the Senate. In a Senate of 76 seats, a party must have at least 39 senators in order to have an absolute majority.

Neither the ALP nor the Coalition has had an absolute majority in the Senate, and the election results ensured that this remained the case. After 1 July , the Australian Greens assumed the balance of power in the Senate in their own right a similar position to the Australian Democrats during the period — Table 2. Composition of the Senate before and after 1 July []. A brief discussion of the politics surrounding the Greens crucial role in the Senate appears later in this paper.

Because there are seats in the House of Representatives, the minimum number of votes required to have an absolute majority in the House and form government is 76 votes. As described above, following a general election a party will usually emerge with an absolute majority in the House, and the Governor-General appoints the leader of that party as Prime Minister and its frontbench as the ministry. The Constitution does not provide a mechanism for resolving a hung parliament. Rather, unwritten conventions work to resolve the situation.

Fortunately, these conventions are clear and well tested. The election left Julia Gillard as caretaker Prime Minister while negotiations took place as to which party would form government. As the ALP and the Coalition had each emerged with 72 seats in the House of Representatives, both parties needed the support of at least four other MPs in order to attain a majority in the House and form government.

In the weeks immediately following the election there was frenzied activity as both major parties sought to secure agreements with the independent and Australian Greens MPs that would deliver the voting support on the floor of the House required for either party to form and maintain government.

Negotiations took place over 17 days, largely in the public spotlight. The ALP secured an early agreement with the Australian Greens for the support of the Member for Melbourne Adam Bandt , and both parties continued to pursue negotiations with the four non-aligned Independent members. One outcome the Independents and Greens sought was to ensure the stability of the Government, and that the Government should run its full term.

Shortly after the election, the Nationals WA member, Tony Crook, had indicated that he would be sitting on the cross-benches as an independent member representing the Nationals WA. The remaining Independent, Bob Katter, had indicated that he would support the formation of a Coalition minority government, although it remained unclear at the time whether he had established a formal agreement with the Coalition.

The agreements between Gillard, the Independents and Australian Greens encompassed a broad range of matters including working relationships between the parties, reforms to parliamentary processes, the establishment of a Parliamentary Budget Office, and some specific policy agendas.

The proposed procedural reforms sought to facilitate greater engagement by backbench MPs in parliamentary business. The preamble to the Agreement for a Better Parliament the Agreement drawn up by Windsor and Oakeshott—the essence of which was largely reflected in agreements separately arrived at between the ALP and the Australian Greens and Wilkie—declared:.

This document is a combined effort to increase the authority and opportunities for participation for all MPs, regardless of their political party or their status of office. The principles behind this document are twofold; to confirm local MPs and by extension their communities as the foundation blocks of our Australian system of democracy, and increasing the authority of the Parliament in its relationship with the Executive.

For these improvements to work, it will take a commitment by all MPs to respect the cultural change that these changes bring. The Executive will also need to show a commitment to the cultural change that this moment brings, and will need to be more flexible, more consultative, and more engaged with all MPs if these new arrangements are to work. Question Time has become theatre Governments have adopted a near monopoly on what is said and done in Parliament from Bills to debate topics.

This has changed with the hung Parliament and the creation of a minority Government which has to bow to the demands of MPs on the crossbenches, and consequently to the founding principles of the Parliament itself. Non-government MPs have demanded and been given greater scope and capacity to bring forward their own legislation But the new paradigm is still fresh from the box and like a self-assembly Ikea cabinet, no one is exactly sure how it works.

Forget all the talk of kinder, gentler - this Parliament will be war without the guns. The first week of sitting of the new parliament was animated by, among other things, controversy around the election of Speaker and the application of rules concerning supplementary questions. Indeed, the Speaker was himself stirred to express to the House his frustration at both the genesis and implementation of the new arrangements:. I was not privy to the elite three members of this House who made the agreement Can I tell you the difficulty that the presiding officer has about this agreement, because, as time has gone on, there has been a lot of interpretation about this agreement—a lot.

It continues about matters that are important for getting business rolling for the next sitting Monday, I might add as an aside. The instability of a hung parliament entails the possibility of the electorate going to the polls earlier than would otherwise be expected. As the House of Representatives first met after the election on 28 September , its term will expire on 27 September unless it is dissolved earlier—which is usually the case. State senators would only go to the polls at an election held before 3 August if it was a double dissolution election.

In late November it was reported that both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition expected that the minority ALP Government would serve a three-year term. With nine senators from 1 July , the Australian Greens occupy an influential position in that, whenever the Government and Opposition are at odds over a proposal in the Senate, the votes of the Greens will determine the outcome.

Minor parties and independents have together held the balance of power in the Senate from — and since Assuming that all 76 senators are present on the Senate floor, a minimum 39 votes in favour is needed to pass a proposal usually expressed in the form of a question or motion. To block or reject a proposal, 38 votes against are all that is needed, because if votes are tied 38—38 the matter is always resolved in the negative. Section 23 of the Constitution provides that the President of the Senate has a deliberative vote only and not a casting vote.

On the assumption that, from 1 July , the Greens senators vote as a bloc, a tied vote cannot occur. The only situation in which the Greens votes will not determine the outcome is when the Government and Opposition concur and vote together on a proposal. The votes of the DLP senator John Madigan and Independent senator Nick Xenophon cannot directly affect the success or failure of a proposal on the floor of the Senate chamber unless there is a significant disruption to usual voting behaviour, such as division within the ranks of the Australian Greens senators over a vote.

The holding by the Greens of the balance of power has long prompted public debate about the implications for governance. Especially with a hung chamber in the House of Representatives, the Greens balance of power in the Senate takes on added significance.

One senior political journalist characterised the post-1 July parliamentary situation as follows:. Come July 1 the soft-spoken Bob Brown The Coalition has consistently portrayed the Australian Greens as extreme, and argued that the Labor Government is beholden to them.

Australia needs to work out very quickly that the Greens are the One Nation of the Left. Bob Brown is the socialist Pauline Hanson. The Greens are still far too widely perceived as a benign political force. The Greens are the political equivalent of the Trojan horse, and the danger they represent is enhanced mightily by the paralysis of their host party. The Australian Labor Party is like a rabbit in the spotlight. The Greens have divided Labor—they have played with their collective minds.

Labor is bleeding from the right and the left but seems hypnotised by the Greens, who are the extreme Left. As a result, the Government and the Greens will effectively be able to ram through whatever legislation they like without having to negotiate with the Independents or the Coalition. As a result, the alliance between the Government and the Greens is likely to strengthen as Labor finds itself even more reliant on the support of the Greens.

Since the federal election, Labor has continued to be taunted with accusations that the Government is in alliance with the Greens—even its puppet. The differences between Labor and the Greens take many forms but at the bottom of it are two vital ones. The Greens wrongly reject the moral imperative to a strong economy. The Greens have some worthy ideas They have good intentions but fail to understand the centrepiece of our big picture—the people Labor strives to represent need work.

During the period from September to May Gillard Government , of divisions the Greens have voted with the Government on 86 occasions—or 72 per cent of occasions. Holding the balance of power makes considerable demands on the senators concerned. In time, no doubt, analysts will explain the behaviour of male and female voters and examine the campaigning styles of Julia Gillard and Tony Abbott. What is immediately apparent, though, is that the fortunes of male and female party candidates fitted into a well-established pattern.

The following table shows the success rates for male and female candidates. As Table 5 hereunder shows, the proportion of women in the House of Representatives decreased by 2. Table 5. House of Representatives by gender and party 42 nd and 43 rd Parliament. Country Liberal Party. From 1 July the proportion of women in the Senate increased by 4 percentage points to The proportion of Labor senators who are female rose by 1.

The proportion of Greens senators who are female rose by 6. Table 6. Senate by gender and party 42 nd and 43 rd Parliament from 1 July On the basis of their findings from the Australian Election Study, its authors characterised the election in the following terms:. The results [of the study] show that the predominant influence on the vote was how voters rated the leaders. Julia Gillard was particularly popular among female voters and her overall impact on the vote was slightly greater than that of Tony Abbott.

Policy issues were second in importance after leadership, particularly for those moving from the Coalition to Labor, who were concerned about health and unemployment. Overall, the results point to the enduring importance of leaders and leadership change as the predominant influence on how voters cast their ballot.

In the post-poll analysis of the various factors that had shaped the election outcome, two seemed to stand out, and are consistent with those identified earlier in this Research Paper. This had also been a theme during the election campaign itself. The survey found that 79 per cent of these voters switching support away from Labor disapproved of the way the ALP handled its leadership change when Julia Gillard replaced Mr Rudd last June.

The poll The big structural shift in the past election was that Labor handed its bloc of progressive voters to the Greens. Without the half million extra votes the Greens took on August 21, Labor found itself unable to govern in its own right. But as authors of the Australian Election Study have pointed out, as in past elections, most of the Green votes returned to Labor through preferences:. For example, when asked the eventual destination of their House of Representatives vote in , 73 percent of Green voters said that their vote returned to Labor, 10 percent said that their vote went to the Coalition, and 17 percent did not know.

Thus, while around one in 10 voters cast a ballot for the Greens, around three out of every four of those votes eventually ended up with Labor, thus minimizing the overall defections from the party. The federal election proved to be one of the most dramatic in decades.

The emergence of a hung parliament from the election created a very new environment in which politics would be played out during the 43 rd Parliament. The risks for a minority government emerged very early with the Government losing a vote on the floor over a procedural matter—the first such loss since the Menzies government of the early s. Mr Speaker, the result of the 21 August election is a salutary reminder that parliament is not a creature of the executive and that every piece of legislation will require, and should be given, careful and thoughtful deliberation.

It is also a reminder that our colleagues on the crossbench have their own rights as legislators which must be protected and upheld. We want this parliament to be productive both in its rules and procedures but also in its outcomes for the nation, and we pledge to uphold the spirit of consensus and goodwill at every possible turn. As the 43rd Parliament progresses, the Committee will continue to monitor and review the changes.

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To view Election Dates, please go to the Election Dates page. Access the Electoral College Home Page. The FEC administers federal campaign finance laws, but it has no jurisdiction over the laws relating to voting, voter fraud and intimidation, election results or the Electoral College. The U. Election Assistance Commission offers voter resources, as well.

Every state sets its own times for opening and closing the polls. To determine the hours polls will be open in your state, consult the U. Election Assistance Commission. If you believe your right to vote has been denied due to racial or ethnic discrimination, contact the U. Department of Justice, Civil Rights Division , at If you believe that a federal election has been administered fraudulently, contact the nearest branch of the Federal Bureau of Investigation FBI.

This information is not intended to replace the law or to change its meaning, nor does this information create or confer any rights for or on any person or bind the Federal Election Commission or the public. Election and voting information The FEC has compiled the following information about elections and voting. Election results Voting.

It's certainly true that the markets have done a decent job of predicting the overall outcome of federal elections over the past 30 years. But they were wrong in - just like the pollsters who predicted Paul Keating would lose. Psephologist Kevin Bonham points out they've also been wrong in a number of state elections, including the most recent contests in Queensland and South Australia. But somehow a perception that they're always right prevails. It sounds good you know, the wisdom of the crowd and all.

But the individual seat betting wasn't very good," he says. By the end of the campaign, the bookies were predicting a further 10 seats would fall into Coalition hands that in fact stayed with Labor. That shows when it comes to close-run races - particularly those involving minor parties or independents - the markets are no better than the rest of us.

Dr Bonham says a 90 per cent success rate is not bad: "But it's not exactly brilliant either. Dr Bonham says about three quarters of all lower house seats are "no-brainers" anyway and any old "dummy" could probably get about 85 per cent right. Electoral analyst and blogger Peter Brent rubbishes the claim that betting markets are predictors of election outcomes. He says the punters don't know better than the polls, rather they just "dawdle after the polls".

At best they just "efficiently digest" available information. He points out that when polls shift - such as in , when an expected Labor victory became an expected Coalition victory - the betting markets shifted with them. But they didn't get ahead of them. The markets were also wrong about the changes of government in Western Australia in and Victoria in They require lots of polls before they change their minds," Brent says.

Political scientist Simon Jackman agrees. His analysis suggests poll movements are one of the biggest drivers of market movements. Dr Bonham says the markets don't just follow polls - they take a number of considerations into account, including broader news reports and commentary. But his analysis finds the betting markets perform best when "well-nourished" by polling and poorly when there is no information or misleading information.

However, in the markets actually seemed to get bamboozled by the sheer weight of publicly available information, much of it contradictory. They made a number of wrong calls as a result. Some proponents of betting market accuracy believe some seat-by-seat punters may have access to inside information, such as internal party polling.

The current wave of gambling expansion gathered momentum in as national economic and state fiscal conditions have deteriorated throughout the year.

Federal election betting 2010 calendar Lozman v. Morrissey-Berru Legal Information Institute. Eugene Volokh, professor of law at the University of California, says the court decision means that voters will have more messages from more sources — including wealthy unions and wealthy corporations. North Carolina In the public forum Davis v. Archived from the original on December 8,
Srcem za sportsbetting Aug The case did not involve the federal ban on direct contributions from corporations or unions to candidate campaigns or political parties, which remain illegal in races for federal office. Black Red Lion Broadcasting Co. City of Jacksonville Young v. The work cannot be adapted or modified in any way. Colorado Near v.
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Single manning in betting shops in the uk It never federal election betting 2010 calendar why 'the freedom of speech' federal election betting 2010 calendar was the right of Englishmen did not include the freedom to speak in association with other individuals, including association in the corporate form. Yoder McDaniel v. The provisions of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act restricting unions, corporations, and profitable organizations from independent political spending and prohibiting the broadcasting of political media funded by them within 60 days of a general election or 30 days of a primary election violate the First Amendment's protections of freedom of speech. Meanwhile, the economic stimulus initiative Building the Education Revolution had begun to receive critical press coverage over alleged cost blow-outs and rorts. According to Toobin, Roberts agreed to withdraw the opinion and schedule the case for reargument. April 17, Oklahoma HBWright Pending : Prohibits minors from appearing in advertising for the state lottery.
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Federal election betting 2010 calendar ACLU Nitke v. Federal Election Federal election betting 2010 calendar. Archived from the original on July 12, Registered in England and Wales: The decisive fifth vote for McCutcheon came from Justice Thomaswho wrote a concurring opinion stating that all contribution limits are unconstitutional. Gambling revenues are to be used for education.

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While gambling revenue has recently followed the same path as most other state revenue sources during this recession—declining since the summer of —states continue to consider the expansion of gambling as a possible way to fund government operations. Currently, 48 states have some sort of legal gambling activity, only Hawaii and Utah do not have any form of legalized gambling.

To date there have been over 20 measures introduced and debated. The following table provides brief descriptions of selected gambling proposals and developments in the states:. Failed : Currently, non-electronic bingo games are legal in the state. However, there are numerous electronic bingo parlors operating within the state. A measure was introduced to define bingo and electronic bingo.

Within Alabama slot machines are illegal and if the measure passed to define electronic bingo, there would have been a referendum to be voted on to determine if expanded gaming should be legalized. Enacted: The state lottery will place ticket vending machines throughout the state at high volume retail stores in order to keep revenue targets for scholarships.

The state can keep up to 15 percent of all ticket sales. If approved by the legislature, the measure would go to voters in the fall. Failed : A measure to create a capital restoration fund and redirect limited gambling funds to that fund from the historical preservation fund. The refusal upheld a ruling that identified poker as a gambling activity and not a game solely based on skill.

The governor proposed introducing keno in her state of the state speech. Enacted : The governor signed into law on Jan. This was in response to Pennsylvania legalizing table games on Jan. Enacted : The U. S Supreme Court denied hearing a court case to allow the state to allow betting on all sporting events. The denial, will in effect only allow sports betting on three NFL games in a pari-mutuel wagering system every game day.

Enacted : The new compact with the Seminole Indians will legalize certain table games blackjack, chemin de fer and baccarat at five tribal casino sites for five years and give the tribe the rights to operate Class III slot machines at all seven casinos for 20 years. Gambling revenues are to be used for education. The pari-mutuel and card room industry was against the expanded tribal gaming, but were able to expand their own hours of operation and poker betting limits and will receive tax breaks.

Failed : A proposal by lawmakers would have given cities and counties the authority to either approve horse racing, dog racing, casinos or any combination of the three options. The Georgia Lottery would have overseen all gambling operations. The measure would have had to receive state wide voter approval and then be approved by a local referendum in the town where the gambling establishment was to be located. Failed :Legislators proposed two measures to legalize one casino gambling location.

By the February legislative deadline both measures had failed. Last year video gaming devices were legalized at truck stops, bars, fraternal and veterans clubs where county commissioners approved. Each establishment is allowed to have up to five video gaming machines.

Pending : This bill would penalize cities that ban video gambling operations by withholding capital improvement and infrastructure funds or by requiring the city to pay a fine to the state for not allowing video gambling.

Pending : A proposal to grant one more riverboat gambling license to the City of Danville. After 10 years of legal cases, the 10 th and final casino license will be filled by the Des Plaines Casino, expected to begin construction in mid-April. The hotel casino will have 1, slot machines and table games. Failed : Governor and lawmakers proposed expanding casino gambling to four locations within the state.

If the commission grants a license to the county, construction on the site could begin as early as June 1, The casino would have up to 1, slots and feature a hotel and a golf course. It is estimated that 81 percent of the total gambling revenue would come from South Dakota and Nebraska patrons. A public meeting is scheduled for May 4, and the commission is slated to make a decision by May 13, Failed : This measure would allow the Wichita Greyhound Park to become a racino by adding up to 2, electronic gambling machines.

The measure would need voter approval from Sedgwik County residents in the fall of The casino, which is owned by the state lottery, located 20 miles south of Wichita filed for a day extension at the request of the developer. The governor denied the extension. The gambling expansion law allowed the two greyhound tracks and four sites around the state to have casino gambling with slots and table games.

The casino at the Kansas City Raceway is slated to be completed in The Boot Hill casino in Dodge City opened in early Pending : A bill that would create a tax district to fund an economic development project next to the Hollywood Casino in Baton Rouge. Failed : Legislation to allow a casino in Oxford County was postponed indefinitely by the legislature, however an initiative to allow the casino will go before statewide voters in November.

A legislator stated that without the legalization of racinos, the harness racing industry in the state would end. Pending : A bill was introduced April 5, , to legalize casino gambling within the commonwealth. The Mohegan tribe of Connecticut is planning to build a casino in western Massachusetts if legislation is passed and approved by Massachusetts voters. The Mohegan tribe owns and operates one of the two casinos in Connecticut.

Due to the constitutional convention happening in the state there is a movement to expand casino gambling to seven locations including the airport. The proposal will need , signatures by July 5, to be considered as a ballot measure. Failed : A measure to create a state lottery that would fund education and health care. Gambling regulators would determine whether to issue the last casino license by May 1, , bringing the total number of casinos in the state to Pending : Senators approved a bill that would expand bingo playing hours from 7 a.

Currently, the hours are from 10 a. A similar measure last year was vetoed by the governor. Enacted : This bill allows a new horse race track to be built as a part of an economic development complex near the Lancaster Event Center, which includes five different businesses besides the track.

But will corporate influence on elections increase? The case, Citizens United v Federal Election Commission, overturned a century of law, which had banned corporations — including non-profit groups and unions — from using money from their general funds to advocate for or against candidates, or to broadcast electioneering communications in the immediate run-up to an election.

Under the new ruling, companies are still prohibited from directly contributing to candidates and parties in federal elections. What has changed is that corporations can now spend unlimited amounts independently of candidates — through campaign advertising. The case began in with a lawsuit filed by the conservative non-profit corporation Citizens United against the Federal Election Commission FEC to determine whether its minute film critical of Hillary Clinton was in fact a campaign advertisement under the law, and therefore subject to the corporate spending ban.

Citizens United sought to advertise its programme on television and air it around the Democratic presidential primaries through an on-demand cable service. Citizens United lost the case, which was appealed all the way to the Supreme Court. The final decision, authored by Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy, rested on the conclusion that campaign finance restriction violates the right to free speech, guaranteed by the first amendment to the US constitution.

In other words, money provides for speech, and speech cannot not be restricted under the first amendment. The decision has set off a firestorm of reactions. Supporters say it enables voters to hear more voices. Eugene Volokh, professor of law at the University of California, says the court decision means that voters will have more messages from more sources — including wealthy unions and wealthy corporations.

Bradley Smith, professor of law at Capital University law school believes that overall the ruling will be equalising and to the benefit of small companies over large ones. It will help companies that have tried to avoid politics, he says, rather than corporations that are already political players with large action committees and lobbying operations.

Some say the ruling will not only increase the diversity of voices but enhance, not reduce, transparency from corporations. Michael Stauffer is a lecturer at the Zicklin school of management at Baruch College in New York, and a former director of corporate social responsibility at telecoms giant Verizon. He says corporations have been given greater voice to express political opinions by the Citizens United decision.

As for those who say wealthy corporations will use their deep pockets to drown out the voices of the less wealthy, for many the prediction seems too apocalyptic. What would be worse, Volokh argues, is if the government were to choose who has the right to speak. Supporters are united in their belief that corporations will forgo jumping into divisive election campaigns for fear of alienating their shareholders. In the 26 states that did not have restrictions on corporate political spending, there had not been a flood of corporate money into election campaigns.

Before the ruling, corporations had a host of methods for participating in elections at their disposal. They could spend money on issue advertising and bundle individual donations from corporate executives with those of political action committees. And they could donate through third party groups like chambers of commerce — yet many felt they showed restraint. Companies also worry, she argues, that they will alienate some customers and shareholders.

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