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Studies on broadcasting often seem to focus on TV only and to ignore that radio is still the medium thatreaches more people all over the world. Why is radio such a timid object of analysis and subject of study? Probably due to its lighter economic impact and as a result of its less conspicuous presence in our daily life.

From the second half of the 19 th century to the middle of the 20 th century, the press was roughlycriticized by intellectuals, who considered it lower quality literature destined to mainly serve private interests. In point of fact, as explained by Denis McQuail in hisTheory of Mass Communication, television put radio out of sight seriously affecting research on media.

On theother hand, television appeared precisely when communication studies were being widely introduced in manyuniversities, meaning that young researchers directed the spotlight to the most recent medium. In spite of itssocial and cultural relevance, radio therefore remained in the sha do ws. Comparing with other areas, radio has less specialized publications and is thecentral object of fewer research groups. Even for transversal research areas, like gender studies or politicaleconomy, radio is considered much more rarely than other traditional media in empirical terms.

However, numerous factors justify a scientific interest on radio. The idea of velocity and urgency started exactly with radio and its capacity to livebroadcast. With an unpretentiouslanguage, radio discourse is also a very rich source for analysis on the way verbal language in particular and soundin general promote the design of mental images and stimulate imagination. For the role it played in the beginning of the masscommunication society, inspiring a culture of live communication, and for the role it still plays in the constitutionof a sound atmosphere and promoting music industry, radio has today not only a historic interest but still arelevant position in the media landscape.

Radio EvolutionContemporary studies have tended to announce the death of radio since the beginning of the television. These discourses have been particularly intensified after the Internet r evolution. On the one hand it could be said that the World Wide Web represents a promise ofreinvention for the old medium. On the other it seems that Internet is a new risk that threatens the place of radio.

One of the most common weaknesses pointed out to radio is its blindness. The absence of image seems to be themajor reason why radio has been considered an insufficient or incomplete medium. Ironically the century of radiois also the century of all emergent forms of images.

From picture postcards and posters to cinema and television,the history of the image during the 20 th century is synchronized with the history of radio as a mass medium. The evolution of radio in the age of Internet is however more than a question of visibility. It involves areflection on the way people use media in general and radio in particular, on the expectations of the public and onthe challenges multimedia structures represent.

This means the evolution of radio is a subject that has to bediscussed from diverse points of view. For threeintense days, radio was debated in four perspectives: technology, audiences, content and the role it plays inidentity. Almost eighty papers were presented and a do zen of experts — academics and practitioners — contributedto the scientific discussion.

This eBook is part of the work developed during those days. It puts together 44 papers representingalmost 60 percent of the total of accepted abstracts for the congress. Summing up more than five hundred pages,this book aims at contributing to the increase of radio studies and the enlargement of the scientific communityworking in this field. A warning must however be given. Only a small number of the texts published in this book comes fromnative English speakers.

The editors asked authors to contract professional revision, but it is not certain thateveryone did it and it is impossible to warrant the quality of the services contracted by diverse authors. Notwithstanding thiseffort, it would be impracticable to standardize the entire book in terms of language style and to correct it interms of grammar and syntax.

For these reasons, this eBook must be read with some tolerance by those to whomsome mistakes may sound ungentle. We hope that in view of the greater goal such obstacles can be easilyovercome. Oliveira, M. Wewill start with the notion that radio is going through changes that affect its expressiveness,programming, routines and values. Accordingly, we intend to characterize the uses that Portugueseradio news stations are making of social networks such as Facebook and Twitter.

The article will begin by reflecting on these changes in radio and the implications for radiojournalism. One of the most important conclusions is that social networks are used as an excellent platform topromote user participation. This finding was especially verified in the case of Facebook, wherelisteners frequently post comments, criticize radio policies and suggest news topics. Keywords: radio, journalism, social networks, PortugalIntroductionNews radio is still important, but not as it was before.

Today, a consumer looking for news has access to awide range of subjects, formats and channels whether they be television, printed media or the Internet websites,social networks, and blogs. We access news in multiple formats and from multiple platforms. Radio all over the world is a do pting various forms of multimedia convergence in order to deal with thisnew multiplatform media environment. News radio news is present on the Internet, on cell phones and, in recentyears, has started to make use of the social networks.

On the other hand, journalism is seeking new ways and formats to adapt to new technologies and thuscontinue to position itself as a win do w to the world, despite the emergence of other forms of journalism, such ascitizen journalism. In the digital age, news consumption has changed, and has become a social experience: people share thenews, instead of just receiving them, as they did before.

The question is: What is the role of the news radio today? In this paper we intend to analyze the relationship between the Portuguese news radio and the socialnetworks, especially Facebook and Twitter. Starting from the perspective that nowadays radio is a multiplatform medium, our aim is to understandand reflect how the Portuguese news radio is using social networks to disseminate its journalistic content.

The study examines the use of multimedia tools, the presence of comments, the user generated contentand the hypertextuality used in messages on Facebook and Twitter. Nowadays, news radio is one part of the overpopulated media environment. Besides radio, a personlooking for news has many other alternatives, especially on the Internet. Scott, Traditional media which, of course, includes radio, is facing competition from a broad range of otherplatforms that have started to disseminate information.

Traditional news organizations exist in a scenario whereother forms of producing news are operating simultaneously. This competition includes not only news production,but also business models. Indeed, alongside these models comes a huge volume of non-profit and noncommercialenterprises sharing the media landscape with traditional media. In this context, the challenge for radio news stations is to adapt to a new environment, creating policies inorder to maintain their credibility over and above their own legacy.

Since the beginning, radio has always demonstrated an ability to adapt successfully to other changes incommunications technology, but the challenges have never been as huge as they are nowadays. David Hendy makes the point that, traditionally, radio is a time-based medium since its programs emergein a linear flow of time In one way Hendy is right, because this model of radio still exists, but thechallenges imposed by the digital era have created a scenario where it exists simultaneously alongside a newradio.

More interactive, multi-faceted and whose programs do not only exist in the flow of time. Never before has radio been forced to change its expressiveness, becoming a multimedia platform. Soundis no longer the only resource for radio.

Also, radio has never been as interactive as it is today, and has never beenso bombarded with requests to make the news available in so many platforms. In the digital era, radio must find the balance between these new characteristics and the need to maintainthe old ones so it continues to be a significant source for listeners in terms of breaking news and public issues.

One of the keys for the future of radio journalism might be in the way that radio will take advantage of itsknowledge regarding immediacy and credibility, which are two very significant attributes constantly sought bythose who search for news on the Internet. New platforms, and especially the Internet, provide radio with more space not time and this can be anopportunity for more creativeness and alternative ways of covering public issues.

Also, radio has become moreinteractive, since the Internet offers more opportunity for debate and user participation about public affairs. Finally, radio on the Internet surpasses the limits of the traditional broadcast, reaching listeners all over the worldwhich means a challenge for news reporters.

The idea is that despite the many and ongoing changes in the ways that people access information, radio isstill an important win do w to the world. In the most competitive media environment ever, radio must a do ptpolicies to enable itself to be an important source of news for people. In this context, the presence among thenew media platforms is seen as a logical strategy. Accordingly, radio is requested to a do pt strategies in order tofacilitate portable consumption and audience participation in its news content.

Thus, social networks are,nowadays, advantageous platforms for the radio news stations. Social networks and journalismShayne Bowman and Chris Willis wrote in their book We Media - How audiences are shaping the future ofnews and information that the profession of journalism finds itself at a rare moment in history. Indeed, journalism in the digital era has changed, and one of the most important changes stems from theopportunity that is provided by the new platforms which allow consumers the possibility of participating in thenews content.

This can be do ne in several ways, by creating weblogs, websites or, most recently, by using thesocial networks. Thus, when we are talking about the relationship between journalism and social networks, participatoryjournalism is frequently highlighted as a benefit. News consumers can comment on the topics, suggest new approaches or add facts about an eventreported by journalists.

The presence of journalism in social networks increases, at least in theory, the possibility ofmore diversity and pluralism in news production once people inside and outside the newsroom are engaged inthe communicating process. Nowadays, journalism is a blend of producing and consuming information. Social networks contribute to what Dan Gillmor defines as a conversation, which means that peopleand journalists share comments and discuss public affairs.

Another characteristic frequently mentioned when we are talking about journalism and social networks isthe speed with which it is possible to distribute information. Twitter is often mentioned as a useful platform fordisseminating news in a short period of time, and this is seen by journalists as a good way to reach the consumer.

It led as the top news story on Twitter for seven weeks in a row — a feat not reached by anyother news story on any of the platforms studied. Consuming news is, at present time, a social experience. Another study revealed that the presence of journalism in social networks leads to a new journalisticdiscourse.

The study looked at the Spanish reality and aimed to understand the relationship between journalismand Facebook. A new form of information to which the media arenot used to" Garcia Alvarez et. Traditional journalism is still themain source of news stories but, as they are on social networks, users stress the importance of a news topic byhighlighting it to other users.

Portuguese radio news and InternetIn Portugal, the last two decades have shown a decrease of investment in news radio. The Portuguese scene is characterized by hundreds of local radio stations, most of them music radiostations, and by other national radio stations which are, in the majority, also music radio stations.

With respect to news radio stations, the Portuguese scene is very small. Antena 1 is the main radio channel of the Portuguese Public Service which also includes six other radiostations. Antena 1, at the time called Emissora Nacional, was the voice of the government during the Portuguesedictatorial regime, which ended in Today, Antena 1 has the biggest radio newsroom in Portugal and itsprogramming includes much journalistic content.

TSF is the youngest radio station among the three analyzed in this study. TSF is an all-news radio and introduced a new style into the Portuguese radiojournalism scene, based on live reporting and breaking news. These three radio stations are, indeed, the most relevant in the context of Portuguese radio news, sincethey dedicate a high percentage of their programming to journalistic content. Also, they represent the biggestnewsrooms among the Portuguese radio news stations.

Despite the center of news production in these three stations still being the traditional radio, the efforts toimprove their presence in various platforms are evident. TSF was the first of the Portuguese media companies, including newspapers and TV, to offer podcasts onits website. The strategy of TSF on the Internet aims to maintain the same imageacquired through its traditional version. Therefore, the website contains news contents, programs and many otherjournalistic formats.

TSF highlights user participation by providing tools that allow for commenting on the newscontent. The website has been inundated in recentyears, especially since , by several videos. The Portuguese Public radio service a do pted a different policy for its presence on the Internet. Sharing and retweeting sounds — the relationship between radio journalism and social networksthese two mediums.

The result is not as positive for the radio section because the most important news contentsavailable on the website are produced by public TV. Despite being a public service, the website do es not promoteuser participation. Radio news and social networksAntony Mayfield in his e-book What is social media? The Portuguese scholar, Gustavo Car do so 37 , advocates that radio is the medium that competesmore easily with social networks. The author says that radio, like social networks, contributes to the discovery ofnew talent in music.

To do that, suggests Car do so, radio stations should increase their strategies on proximity tothe listeners by creating, for example, communities. Since then,Facebook and Twitter have become a part of the Portuguese radio news stations. In this case, the objective is to suggest the programming of the traditional radio, forexample, by making available the on-air programming schedule.

This has a very curious effect, as the users start to comment on the topic, anticipating the debateeven before it goes on the air. However, the main use that is given to Facebook and Twitter is to link news topics that take the user to thewebsite. Firstly, as a way to promote the debate and criticize the radio station. TSF was accused by the listeners ofhaving promoted the Prime-Minister since those who called in to the program only did compliments. The listenersconsidered that TSF had not do ne its job well and started to criticize the radio station on Facebook.

Secondly, as a way to gather news sources by posting messages in which reporters request informationabout a news story they are working on. In thiscase, the profile of the radio journalists turns out to be part of the radio station. The study addresses the following research questions:Q1: What uses are being made of the social networks by the Portuguese radio news stations?

Q2: Do social networks contribute to the increase of multimedia expressiveness on radio? Q3: How can we define the presence of the Portuguese radio news stations on the social networks? To answer these questions, the study looked at the following aspects analyzing the news topics availableon the Facebook and Twitter accounts: multimediality presence of videos, photos, sounds , interactivity whichtools are used to promote interactivity , the circuit of news contents where do the links take us and usergeneratedcontent do the users participate with comments and the journalists take part in this conversation.

Q1: What uses are being made of the social networks by the Portuguese radio news stations? Facebook andTwitter help to promote the spontaneity of the user and to break do wn barriers to access. Users do not need apassword or a registration to participate. This helps to explain the reason why topics that are available onFacebook receive so many comments, compared with the news available on the websites. Portuguese radio news stations receive many comments from users on news topics posted on Facebookwhich means a renewal of interactivity on the radio.

Indeed, radio has always been interactive, but never has itbeen so easy for listeners to participate in the news content. Users do comment and do suggest, but the only conversation isamong the users. Facebook represents an important platform for spreading user participation in the public sphere. However,it is interesting to note that not all the comments posted by users are contributing to a positive discussion aboutpublic affairs.

Indeed, in some cases, users use Facebook to criticize and offend without any argumentativeposition. Is this true? TSF Radio — Yes, we know. It was reported by Benfica TV and we are checking the facts to report thattoo.

Ilive about meters from the works and it is now 01h30 in the morning and right now, as in thepast two days, a jackhammer is working. Facebook, TSF, November, 4th, In this particularly case the user felt he could talk about a situation he was going through. People seeFacebook as a platform to get in touch with the radio station and to turn personal problems into public affairs. Sharing and retweeting sounds — the relationship between radio journalism and social networksAllowing user participation is, in fact, one of the most important benefits that social networks offerjournalism.

Commenting on the news on Facebook has started to be common practice among users, and because ofthat radio news stations have created rules about participation. For example, TSF explain that comments containing insults or obscene and defamatory language areremoved and Antena 1 wrote on Facebook that users who make offensive comments, appealing to verbal orphysical violence or provoke discussions are removed from the page.

Social networks, especially Facebook, are seen as an important win do w to opening radio to interactivityand participation by promoting the discussion of public affairs. In some cases, social networks appear to be theonly way to do that. For example, the Portuguese public radio service still do es not provide any other accesspoints on digital platforms for user participation. Q2: Do social networks contribute to the increase in multimedia expressiveness on radio?

Radio has become a multimedia medium and because of this one of the most important questions aboutthe future of radio is to understand what the role of sound will be in a multiplatform radio. On social network sites, sound takes second place. On Twitter and Facebook it is possible to post sounds,but this is a rare practice among the Portuguese radio news stations as the norm is to post sounds linked to theaffiliated website instead of posting the sound on the profile.

Our observations also revealed that social networks are used by the Portuguese radio news stations to postphotos about the stories reported by the journalists. Indeed, we found that posting photos is one of the mostintensive practices do ne by radio news stations on Facebook. On Facebook, photo galleries are frequently posted which are not on theaffiliated website.

Posting videos is not very common practice. Rarely do news topics posted on Facebook contain videos. Regarding multimedia expressiveness, our observations revealed that the most common practice is theposting of text and photos. Sounds and videos are very rare. According to our study, social networks are a complement to the on-air radio. The center of productionremains the traditional radio. Journalists think first about broadcasting news.

Only after this task is completed,news are first posted on the affiliated website and finally on Facebook and Twitter. This means that the newsroomis still organized according to the traditional routines and values of radio journalism. This scenario is the key to understanding how radio news stations are using social networks. Facebook and Twitter are mostly used by Portuguese radio news stations as a way to suggest and promotenews available on their affiliated website.

The circuit of the news posted on the social networks is as shown in thefollowing diagram:ECREA: Radio Evolution: technology, contents, audiences — conference Figure 1 — Circuit of newsOur observations revealed that the news go on the air, then go to the website and finally are posted on thesocial networks. Finally, the link on Facebook or Twitter takes the user back to the website.

Twitter is only used to promote the news available on the websites. In short, the breaking news pointed outby some authors as an advantage for journalism is not a common practice among the Portuguese radio newsstations. Twitter is only used as a platform to promote the radio, following the basic idea that if people are onTwitter, the radio should be there too. Also, through the social networks, listeners can participate in the phone-in programs.

Both give the listener the opportunity to leave acomment about an issue which will be read by the journalist on the air. Good morning. This morning, TSF Forum talks about corruption. Bureaucracy is seen as a fertile ground forcorruption and this is one of ten themes of the challenge that TSF has released to the leaders of major parties. Wewanted to know what actions they propose to reduce bureaucracy and make the fight against corruption moreeffective.

The Forum also wants to hear your opinion. What can be do ne to stop the phenomenon of corruption? Doyou believe that existing laws are sufficient? Facebook, TSF, 3rd June, In this way, despite the comment being available on the Facebook profile, the host of the phone-inprogram can choose the ones he considers more relevant to the discussion and read them on the air. Facebook, inthis case, acts as an extension of the on-air programming and also contributes to increasing interactivity with thelisteners.

ConclusionSocial networks did not invent interactivity on the radio, but they have transformed it. In fact, socialnetworks represent a strategy to open the radio to its listeners. This is the most important conclusion we havereached in this study. Facebook is a very useful platform for user participation. Taking advantage of its spontaneity, users caneasily get in contact with the radio station and with the journalists and participate in the discussion of publicaffairs. Thus, Facebook contributes to increase the values of democracy in the sense that the presence of morevoices, at least in theory, represents more diversity and pluralism.

Traditional radio, with its temporal constraints, isprevented from opening its programming to constant participation. The exceptions are the phone-in programs. With the Internet, and particularly with social networks, radio opens itself to discussion and criticism. Listeners can, as we saw, participate in the news content, but they also can also criticize the radio and suggest newstrategies. Sharing and retweeting sounds — the relationship between radio journalism and social networksDespite this openness, we have observed that the discussion still remains incomplete, as journalists are stillreluctant to get involved in the conversation.

The fact that the Portuguese newsrooms are becoming increasinglysmall can also be an argument in understanding why journalists do not take part in this discussion. Journalists are constantly occupied with the tasks of news production. Our study also revealed a reduced use of some of the potential of social networks. Social networks are part of the global radio news station policy, but in these early years, despite being anexcellent platform to increase interactivity, Facebook and Twitter are just used to promote the traditional radio.

Indeed, we have observed that although the three main Portuguese radio news stations are in the social networks,much of the content available in their Facebook and Twitter pages is simply repurposed material from offlineprogramming. ReferencesAlves, Rosental Tese de do utoramento. In Car do so, Gustavo et.

Quimera: Lisboa. Fenton, Natalie New Media, Old News. How deeply have such changes affected the relationshipbetween radio producers and listeners? The paper will analyse the case of three Italian radioprogrammes which have developed an intense interaction with their listeners through Facebook. We will conduct a quantitative observation of the social media activity of these programmes overan entire week and show the different social media strategies implemented by the selectedprogrammes, as well as their different dramaturgical relations with the listeners.

Inthat famous book, Radio. A flight notfrom images themselves, but from the mechanisms of visual perception. Radio listening still maintains some elements of blindness, but the way in which we now experience this medium isno longer totally disembodied and immaterial. Technological implants on the body of the radio medium, from the telephone to SNS, can also be read as acoming-of-age novel, in which we follow the main character, the public, through the various stages of its growthand development.

With SNS the novel ends: the main character has passed puberty. The presence of the publicwithin radio programmes goes from zero grade — the telephone — which implies only the presence of a voice,invisible and disembodied, to the most advanced stage so far — Facebook — in which the public has a face, a name,a personal space for discussion the Wall , a bio-cultural profile the Info section , a collective intelligence theHome Page , a general sentiment Arvidsson It is the end of the public as a mass that is blind it cannot seethe source of the sound , invisible it cannot be seen by the transmitter , passive it cannot take part in theconversation and insensitive it cannot manifest its emotions towards the speaker.

Tiziano Boninibody of the radio medium renders the immaterial capital made up by the listeners public and tangible. While untilrecently the audience was invisible to radio and was confined to its private sphere except in the case of phonecalls during a programme, today listeners linked to the online profile of a radio programme are no longer invisibleor private, and the same goes for their opinions and emotions. And if emotions and opinions are no longerinvisible or private, they are measurable.

The new communications model that derives from the short-circuit between radio and social media is ahybrid model, partly still broadcast, partly already networked. Radio is still a one-to-many means ofcommunication. However, telephone already made it partly a one-to-one medium phone interview and many-toone open mic, phone talk radio ; to this we have to add SNS, which are at once a one-to-one chat , one-to-many tweets, FB notes or posts , many-to-many FB Home, Twitter hashtags , many-to-one FB comments kind ofmedia.

Both types of relation areapproaching a dynamic typical of peer-to-peer culture. At the same time, the relation between listeners is similarly changing. While before SNS the concept of radio public was a purelyabstract entity, which could be understood sociologically and analysed statistically, today this community is nolonger only an imagined one Anderson People who listen frequently to a radio programme and are its fanson FB have the opportunity, for the first time, to see and recognise each other, to communicate, to create newlinks while bypassing the centre, in other words the radio programme itself.

This is how the value production process in radio works inthe era of SNS: listeners enact their tastes online, the radio author increasingly a producer, as Benjamin predictedin his essay The author as Producer re-interprets and re-elaborates them, providing the audience with adramaturgically constructed listening experience in which it finds its contents mixed together.

On the SNS stage everyone, radio makers and listeners alike, is ableto perform, to take part, to alternatively play the role of the actor contributing with contents and of the audience contributing with comments and liking. How much the listeners take part in this production process is still controlled byradio makers and this has to be taken into account when designing a new radio or cross media format.

Results of a comparative study on the use of social media by three Italian successful radio programmes. In the second part of this paper we will present the results of a comparative study on the use of socialnetworks by three Italian radio programmes. The observation of the Facebook fan page of the three programmestook place in the week between 1 and 6 March Source: Facebook internalstatistics Over 55Europe: activeusers RaiTunes is a programme with a younger audience, while the Facebookpublic of Caterpillar and Io Sono Qui is in line with the average public of the radio stations that air them.

Schedule: Monday-Friday, His name is a benchmark in music radio formats and his voice represents thereal brand of the programme. The music format see below is addressed to urban listeners and a young audience. Music is mixed live by DJ Frankie B, an international music producer and sound designer well-known on the clubscene.

The presenter, himself a musician and DJ, frequently performs with Frankie B. The programme was chosenbecause of its great appeal to younger generations this is in fact the most important show addressed to them ,for its cross media approach and for its considerable and innovative use of social media. Once or twice a week usually Tuesdays and Thursdays the playlist is user-generated, that is it is put together by the community oflisteners together with the presenter.

The selection is made during the day before the evening show on theFacebook fan page of the programme. The fans are young and extremely active. They post an average of 60 to You Tube links to music videos every day even on weekends. The page is constantly updated throughout theday. Fans keep on posting at every hour, day and night.

It resembles a collective stream of consciousness. Music video posting is the realglue of the RaiTunes community. The listeners of the show are used to music shows, are used to go to concertsand they behave like a concert audience. The fans who post on the wall demonstrate a wide musical knowledge,perfectly matching the musical choice of the presenter.

Before and after the show the fans keep on posting music and making comments about it, but when theshow begins something special happens: they stop posting music and start listening to the programme, leavingthe FB page open on their computers.

During the 80 minutes of the show the FB page is updated almost everyminute with comments and questions about the music played by the DJ. Doing radio in the age of Facebookaverage of 60 to 80 comments on the wall, like a concert audience chatting about what it is listening to. Every daythe same dynamic takes place: when the programme begins, fans stop posting videos it is like when a concertbegins and the audience falls silent : they agree to enter into another dimension, the spectacular one.

The changeof behaviour on the FB fan page marks a ritual passage. Presenter and listeners recognise that they belong to thesame tribe and taking part in the show means celebrating the music they share. Music is the totem around whichpeople gather. Listeners would like to listen to more music, butwhen the show comes to an end, they can only continue to post other music on the FB wall and listen to the musicchosen by their peers. A few minutes after the end of the show the RaiTunes team publishes a You Tube video playlist on FB, acollection of videos of all the songs played during the episode that has just ended.

TwitterTwitter is frequently updated by the production team, to disseminate contents, news and You Tube playlistsavailable on other platforms. Broadcast use only. WebsiteThe website of the programme contains the archive of all the episodes aired so far, available for listening toin streaming.

During the show it is possible to see what is going on in the studio through a mobile webcamsituated on the roof. The webcam frames the presenter and his guests and is remote-controlled by the socialmedia manager, on the other side of the studio. Case history 2: CaterpillarBroadcaster: Radio 2 Rai www. Conceived as a drive time talk show, it is the most listened-to programme on Italian radio in itstime slot. It provides an independent, tongue-in-cheek take on national and foreign current affairs.

Phone talk plays akey role, occupying more than one third of the programme listeners, correspondents, politicians, artists, critics,etc. Tiziano BoniniPodcasts are easy to access from the Rai iPhone applicationSocial media activityBlogThe blog is updated every day with a synopsis of the latest show and videos of the music played. It is usedas a multimedia archive of the programme. The morning after the show a podcast is available for do wnload also via Facebook.

Thepresenters and authors of the programme usually join the conversation and interact directly with their fans. Fanscan also find relevant excerpts of the show a live music show, poetry by the correspondent Marco Ardemagni,satirical videos available on demand on the fan page, extra contents not aired during the show and extra contentnot suitable for radio video interviews from the correspondents, text notes, collection of photos of special events.

TwitterThe Caterpillar Twitter profile page, however, is more institutional and formal. It is only used as a one-tomanymedium, in order to disseminate to "followers" issues and links related to the programme. It looks more likea newspaper-style homepage. Audience participationFacebook fans of the programme post comments both in real time during the show and after.

Fanspublish an average of 7 to 15 wall posts every day. Listeners use Facebook not only to show whether they likesomething that has been broadcast or not, but also to publish news and links they find useful, either for theprogramme or for the "Caterpillar community".

The radio show and the Facebook page are both examples of networked media, since they rely heavily onuser generated content and comments. Every day the presenter tells the story of his life as if it was an22 ECREA: Radio Evolution: technology, content, audiences — conference Doing radio in the age of Facebookaudio diary and shares his experiences with the listeners. The second part of the programme is based on thephone calls of listeners who want to share their private stories.

Fans and friends start to reply to thepresenter's call with comments and long posts, sharing private experiences of everyday life through Facebook. The author of theprogramme has accustomed his Facebook audience to expect one call every morning.

He opens the game withthe first post of the day, letting the listeners be the main characters of the play on the Facebook stage. During theweek of observation, the presenter's calls received between 25 and 80 comments, depending on the popularity ofthe topic. Almost every day the author chooses one story among the best ones appeared on Facebook in the hoursbefore the show.

Usually the first phone call of the day comes from a Facebook fan, then the presenter starts to take other livephone calls too. Sometimes fans spontaneously reply to the call of the day by posting an excerpt of a film or asong that reminds them of the topic of the day on the Wall. The presenter normally edits and uses these contentsembedding them into the radio flow of the episode of the day. One hour before the show the author posts a YouTube link to the video of the song that will be broadcast during his story.

Facebook is conceived as a mine ofrough contents to be chosen, edited and then embedded into the radio production flow. Comments, life stories,links to video or audio contents, are used by the author and his team as material for the production of theforthcoming show. During the show: fans and friends that are listening to the show through the web post comments about theprogramme on the wall. After the show: fans keep on commenting the show that has just ended and start to post on the wall aphoto shot by them that can represent where they are in that very moment emotionally or geographically.

During the observed week fans published an average of 6 to 20 posts per day on the wall of theprogramme, while the programme's team made between 3 and 5 posts per day. RaiTunes uses the music links suggested by the audience,Caterpillar uses the news links suggested by the audience, Io Sono Qui uses the life stories told by the audienceand its content suggestions photos, video, songs. Tiziano BoniniSocial media Manifesto for radioEven if social media use has entered the production routine of radio only in the last two to three years,turning out to be a crucial tool, but quite often misunderstood and underestimated too, in the case historiesanalysed so far we can note many similar social media practices, which are both effective and innovative.

Thecomparative study reveals that broadcasters have finally started to understand the importance of social media innurturing their relation with audiences, like an umbilical cord connecting listeners to producers while the radio isoff. As a conclusion, we will try to put together the best practices discovered during the research and write a kin do f Social Media Manifesto, or more simply, a bare bones guide to the ideal social media strategy for broadcasters.

Dramaturgic structureSocial media management is an authorial and creative work. It is similar to the work of a theatre directorand has to do with storytelling. And storytelling has its rules. Social media spaces are not virtual at all, they arelively spaces where people attempt to show themselves at their best, making great efforts to perform one of thecharacters they would love to look like in real life. As people's FB and TW profiles are nothing but storytellingperformances, programmes' profiles have to address issues of performance and storytelling too.

The most successful Facebook and Twitter pages analysed so far all share a specific and clearlyrecognisable dramaturgic structure: frequent, cyclical and regular updates, every day. Facebook and Twitterprovide a flood of data, and posts and tweets will quickly flow off followers' screens. Tweeting frequently will builda bigger following. Radio producers have to show listeners that they are always alive, always present, and theyhave to convince them to visit their page more often during the day.

They have to build expectations among theirfollowers. Posting 15 tweets a day, but all in the same half hour, will not do , as most of the followers will not evensee them. Radio producers have to educate the public, making them feel that their page is constantly updatedwith valuable contents. Second Act - During the show: InterActWe have noticed that successful work and presence on social media generates a continual flow ofcomments and updates from listeners during the show.

Third Act — After the show: the show must go onSuccessful programmes are conceived like multimedia projects. When the radio show comes to an end,the programme continues on the web. Cross media interactionConnect all the platforms and enforce communication flows between them. Doing radio in the age of Facebookin talk shows is to give the same importance to listener feedback, no matter which platform they came from email, phone call, sms, Facebook, Twitter. The debate around the issue of the day starts on social media, thencontinues on air: the presenters keep quoting comments made in real time on social networks.

If people get used to knowing that what happens in the social mediasphere is valuable for the programmetoo, they will participate more. Presenters and authors of the programme have to play at the listeners' level, and to build a fair and straightinteraction with them.

Every time you post something on social media you should provide it with a context for itto be properly understood, and personalise information, adding your personal view or feeling. Every podcast alertyou make has to be accompanied by a quick and personal synopsis of the programme contents, using a catchylanguage, not the cold and standardised language of marketing but the warmer one of true personal engagementwith it.

Every post is a little story. Take advantage of General Intellect and realize Walter Benjamin's dreamSocial media are wonderful tools for nurturing and empowering the General Intellect 2. Thanks to theirnetworked structure, social media seem to be making the dream of Brecht and Benjamin 3 come true: listenersbecoming authors UGC.

Among your listeners lie hundreds of experts in different fields willing to take part incontent production. Caterpillar RAI perfectly outsources some reporting to the listeners and takes advantage ofcitizen journalism: its listeners publish suggestions about topics to be discussed and offer themselves as reportersfrom the place they live in.

Ask listeners to tweet their reports in real time while travelling. The minds of thelisteners, once connected through social media, can be very powerful and fast. Share the loveShare, quote, forward, retweet valuable contents. You need to give in order to get. ReferencesAnderson, Benedict La radio. Au microphone: Dr. Walter Benjamin. Tiziano BoniniVol. On the Higher Education context many changes are occurring due to the introduction of newlearning paradigms, many of them take advantage of web 2.

Social networks are currently being a do pted in many Higher Education communities as platformsto support the interaction among community members, taking advantage of the potential of thosenetworks to foster strong and meaningful relationships and support the awareness andconsolidation of group identity.

This potential is being explored to promote new possibilities forteaching and learning that include new approaches such as the personal learning environments. This article addresses the potential that radio services have for Higher Education communities in aweb 2. The article explores theperceptions that Aveiro academic members have about webradio potentialities in terms of sense ofbelonging creation and community cohesion. Keywords: webradio, university, community, social networks Radio as a service of a university communityThe incorporation of the radio in the university field, as well as their potential use by the academiccommunity, is not a recent phenomenon.

The first initiative of this kind took place in at the University ofWisconsin Faus, College radio refers to a type of station that operates within an academic community and presentscharacteristics of community radio and educational ones. These stations can be a global institutional projectinvolving the entire university community or an initiative from a more restricted entity faculty, student union,student-teacher of a specific subject… Sauls, 1.

In fact, the phenomenon of college radio has evolved from the first experimental stations and, nowadays,has multiple configurations depending on the technological support broadcast FM, AM, web , audience of aclosed circuit to a wider community of listeners , aims education, outreach, entertainment or managementmodels Sauls, 2.

Characteristics that imply a programming for the college radio, different from commercial ones. This type of stations, to which also belong community radio stations, is characterized by uncommercialobjectives and social vocation.

College radio has also a cohesive feature that, combined with the fact that itoperates within an academic community, gives it characteristics of community radio stations. Indeed the main goal of any college radio is to provide a service to the community, regardless of whetherit is a strictly academic community or a wider community Sauls, 2. These are vulnerable people and, in their desperation, they get involved with drug trafficking.

CC: When we speak about refugees, we think in the abstract. These are very different worlds and there is an enormous segregation between them, as well as among us. The world of refugees is a diverse one, but we lump them all into a single category.

EC: Perhaps this is one of the bricks that build this wall. When a wall is finally torn down, we see that there is another behind it. Our system is reaching a very high level of cruelty; everything revolves around capital and forms of exploitation. Exploitation occurs on every level: social networks, biennials, festivals, universities.

What does it mean to continue repeating it? The consequence is enriching a few while leaving many in abject poverty. Behind the wars that resulted in these searches for refuge, there are human beings that coordinate them. If we believe that war is part of human nature, we become used to the building of walls.

CC: Walls are these bubbles in which we live. With social networks we are becoming more inward-looking, discussing issues only amongst our own groups. We forget the presence of the body. It is the body that leaves the comfort zone; we are able to perceive others only when we pass over these walls. We can see the importance of this through Carnival, when we rid ourselves of all borders, exposing ourselves in a way that does not happen the rest of the year.

Experience in the discipline How is the subjectivity of the immigrant and low-income population—the social categories most impacted by difficulties in accessing housing—affected during this process of struggle? What type of collective body arises from this meeting of a context of vulnerability and struggle for a common roof?

EC: We perceive a clear change in this subjectivity, above all with Africans, and in their understanding of what is a collective activity. We perceive this difficulty when doing grassroots work with the immigrants there in the occupation. CC: These are people who live in conflict zones and are stripped of their right to housing. During the film we use play to help get beyond the language barrier. It was through games that the collective could get along.

Behavior and micro-politics What experience in crossing divides did you gain from contact with the movements struggling for housing? What role can cinema and docufiction play in this discussion? CC: The film Era o Hotel Cambridge was able to create an understanding between various nationalities, among six languages. The relationship between architecture and cinema was interesting and very fertile.

At this moment the powerful counterpart begins and through it we were able to access that territory. At the same time we were asking for something, we were also offering something. A kind of reciprocity and affection developed between the parties, who recognized that they needed each other for that to happen.

When we are present, our tools are our senses. We read about a subject, but when we deal with it in person we capture other levels of the problem. CC: In the first calls to form a collective for the film, no adults came, only children.

They were the ones who brought the adults, little by little, to the theater workshops. I would never have thought of, considered or imagined this work method. It was the result of being present. EC: Children take the subject matter into the home and the family opens up to us. This is one of the methods that emerged. Transformative potential What type of power and new uses for urban space can you see emerging from the relationship between Brazilian cultural diversity and contemporary immigrants?

EC: There is no public policy to assimilate these immigrants into society. They tend to isolate themselves in ghettos with those with similar backgrounds. This creates a closed system of codes that drives prejudice. The housing movements are perhaps a way of facing this problem head-on, but we are far from resolving it. As long as we are marked by the hegemonic presence of capital, of the marketplace, which permeate everything, it will not be possible. A concrete example is that, in just a few days, newly arrived migrants become slaves of the factories in the neighborhood of Bom Retiro.

They are hired by construction companies to lay marble but they are not paid. The vast majority are being enslaved. If they try to escape this system, they are automatically co-opted by drug traffickers. We will not be able to implement a policy of assimilation while there is still hunger. CC: A refugee is already the result of an exploitative relationship. This idea that Brazilians are generous and open to new cultures is not true.

EC: The system protects itself by creating masks that make us accept circumstances as something normal. Everyone criticizes the government, but no one talks about the companies. Those of us who put on festivals and biennials are born into this context and are unable to see that it is a system that exploits and profits. The work was organized around a lunch at the 9 de Julho Occupation,1 in January The meeting brought together more than a hundred people, including organizers, guests, cooks and other stakeholders, with participation from 23 families of migrants, immigrants and refugees—some of them residents in this occupied building.

We got to know these families that hail not only from other regions of Brazil but also from the Congo, Angola, Ghana, Peru, Paraguay, Venezuela and Haiti. In addition to access to housing, they mentioned financial difficulties, the search for work, inadequate public services—such as transportation and healthcare—the Portuguese language, inflexibility of the bureaucracy, illegal status, racism, isolation and fear of death as some of the main problems faced in this metropolis of 20 million people.

The journeys of these families also show the tangible and intangible borders that mark our territories, whether they be in the. Their many stories evoke strong emotions and point to some of the challenges in observing human rights in Brazil. In addition to the adversities experienced by these families, it is evident, in our opinion, that dialogue and contact can help to build new ways forward.

These points of discourse need to be developed and understood, since they can illuminate new paths for contemporary cities. Those interested would have to pay a fee to cover travel expenses, having as a guarantee a job placement when they reached their destination: the construction site of Terminal 3 at Guarulhos International Airport. Upon arriving at the large construction site, workers from Pernambuco joined other workers from various parts of the country.

The NEC. These project diagrams clearly show the systemic relationship between contractors and the State. They are basically the same actors in both situations. After a few days, only part of the group was hired and there was no forecast for new hires:.

Nobre, Gilberto Mariotti and Joana Barossi eds. The three books used as bibliography for the preparation of this text were published by the Projeto Contracondutas and are distributed free of charge and can be accessed at: www. TAC is a repressive legal instrument, whereby the sued company undertakes promptly to comply with the laws and reimburse those involved. Thirty-eight men would have to live in a property with three bedrooms and only one bathroom.

There were no furniture, beds, or mattresses […] Every two days there was no water […] There was little or nothing to eat […] As there was no work and no salary, many asked for food in the neighborhood or got into debt. At a site like Terminal 3, they are employed to carry out smaller services, such as the loading of cement bags and rubble. Such a building site, focused on productivity and profit, does not contribute to the formation of the workforce, does not care about its working or health conditions, and does not consider that a constructive matrix could be devised that takes the human being and its activity as a guiding element of the project.

According to the journalist Sabrina Duran, outsourcing, which makes oversight and the attribution of responsibilities difficult, pulverizes hirings that are already based on low sums negotiated between principal and subcontracted contractors, in a chain effect that makes it impossible to comply with legal obligations and allows for abuses and violations. This action is also the result of serious work done in Brazil since , when the federal government recognized the existence of slave labor in the country.

The conditions analogous to slavery presented in this case are not an exception, but a recurrent situation on the global scale of the contemporary civil construction industry. In Brazil, these degrading labor conditions also reverberate the continuity of slavery, insofar as the majority of the Brazilian population remains excluded from social and political rights, as the historian Rodrigo Bonciani points out.

If the case of the TAC happened in , on the eve of the World Cup, the Projeto Contracondutas began in , concomitant with the impeachment of the democratically. These reforms suppress historic social achievements obtained over the last thirty years, articulating the full outsourcing of middle and end business activities, as well as the extension of working hours, in a total entanglement between private and public dimensions.

Seminars, workshops, studies, reports, a documentary, public artistic interventions, lectures, editorials, essays, and publications, were inserted in the curricular structure of the Escola in order to amplify its already remarkable stand in the public sphere. Contracondutas approached different publics, collaborators, and institutions focused on teaching and culture, bringing together more than participants— from multiple practices and fields of knowledge—into heterogeneous constellations, which allowed crossovers between academia and society, architecture and politicoaesthetic practices.

The choice of title, Contracondutas [Counter-Conducts], came from a critical and reflective position on the term conduct, as developed by Michel Foucault,9 to refer to the techniques and procedures that work for the conduction of a set of individuals. We were interested in the ambivalent character of the term, emphasized by Foucault, since a particular conduct also implies the way we allow ourselves to be conducted, and how we behave under the effect of the conductive act.

The Counter-Conducts project potentializes taking a stand in the face of about the vision of the contemporary labor statute and its implications for architecture and civil construction within the current Brazilian socio-political context and within the globalized structural context of capital. What is the role of the architect and the architectural project in reducing or increasing violence at the construction site? How to confront the great infrastructure works that consume the environment and destroy ways of life?

How do these regional realities fit into a globalized world? All these questions were precisely synthesized by a rhetorical image proposed by the journalist Sabrina Duran: If the hoarding that surround and hide the building sites of large-scale constructions were removed, what would a passer-by see?

With numerous social reverberations, the project is the first element to be attacked by outside interests, bargaining, and by lobbies that seek to compromise its technical and ethical coherence. This law confiscates from the architects the conception and control over the whole, further weakening the transparency of bidding processes subject to the pressures of the politico-financial scenario.

Architecture is thus also implicated in this precarious labor system, with the outsourcing of contracts, partial work regimes, absence of employment contracts, and exhaustive days, in an unequal equation between the profits of the managers and exposure to risk by the architects. The possibilities for design intervention in construction of site work relations represent an important dimension.

Her lecture also resulted in a text published in the book Contracondutas. Counter-Conducts Diagram. The artist Vitor Cesar appropriated pre-existing visual schemes, associated with the notion of the public sphere to create diagrams that document the process of the Counter-Conducts project. This diagram was based on the centrality of the relationship between architecture and labour in order to name artistic interventions and academic studies, understood as a politico-pedagogical process, and thus to relate the parts highlighting essential definitions and quotations.

This term, coined by Felicity Scott,12 exposes the ambivalent relations between control and care inherent to architecture that, on the one hand, turns to social, environmental, populational, and cultural questions, but, on the other, inserts itself into complex systemic processes, with layers of opacity, subject to constantly having their intentions captured by the inversions of signs. The discussions raised here reverberated together with the projects and mappings present in this Brazilian pavilion for the 16th International Architecture Exhibition - Venice Biennial, and seek to contribute to a necessary critical moment in which reflection on the changes of direction in the professional and educational activities is informing new and different ways of thinking, acting and producing collectively, and thus expanding what architecture can establish.

She is a teacher at the Escola da Cidade, where she coordinates the sequence of disciplines focused on means of expression and drawing. She articulates different action strategies, bringing together art and architecture. She is part of O Grupo Inteiro. She works at the crossroads between art and architecture. Today, however, the scenario is different. We are talking about an estimated , immigrants among more than million Brazilians.

This is not very much when compared to countries like the United States, which has the largest absolute number of immigrants in its population, or countries recognized for specific policies to attract foreigners, like Canada and Australia.

These graphs present a compilation of data that allows us to see immigration throughout Brazilian history. In the updated version, the flow of foreigners takes on new dimensions, but also raises old questions. Is Brazil ready and willing to welcome these people?

How should the country control their entry and regulate their permanence? What are the effects, from a social and cultural standpoint? Up until now, the investment appears to have been greater in the legal and institutional context. Since May , the country has had a new Immigration Law, which replaced the Statute of Foreigners, originally formulated during the military dictatorship, in Efforts in terms of documentation and regularization of this population are underway. But how do we evaluate the impact that this diversity of cultures has on the daily life of many Brazilian cities?

We are faced with new urban dynamics, many times with entire neighborhoods transformed into veritable ethnic territories, capable of mobilizing, among other things, the economy, housing market, public services, in addition to promoting new cultural experiences. The data show a new pattern of migration, with different countries of origin, reflecting local crises and global geopolitical issues. In other words, they are in the prime of their productive lives.

The Brazilian southeast is by far the most sought after region. At the same time, it is clear that we are faced with a new cycle of cultural negotiations in which the possibilities of exchange will have, as in other times, huge implications for Brazilian identity.

She has worked as director of international organizations and consultant to the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank. Paulo newspaper and develops projects in data visualization and information design. Of those who immigrated between and , according to data from the Federal Police immigrants. The names of the professions come from Federal Police records and were adapted to improve comprehension.

For example, salesman includes: sales clerk, shopkeeper, traveling salesman, door-to-door salesman, newspaper salesman and similar professions. Seamstress includes: decorator, tailor, dressmaker, furrier, tapestry maker and similar professions. Bricklayer includes: bricklayer assistant, tilelayer, plasterer, glazier and similar professions.

Around the globe, the development of cities is intrinsically linked to the primary production: agriculture, livestock raising and the extractive industries. Since the first civilizations, humans have always chosen to settle in places where their subsistence was possible. Over the course of history, however, with the rise of technological mechanisms and the idea of an external market, the primary production began to generate continuous surpluses; more than subsistence, it became wealth.

The development of a worldwide system around this production added particularities to what is generically called today the commodities market. This term defines products with less value added by industrial processes, but necessary for a wide range of economies and societies. As an essentially agricultural and exporting country, with a history marked by large cycles sugar, gold, coffee , Brazil has developed a significant role in the global production of primary products.

It ranks among the 25 largest exporters worldwide, selling mainly soybeans, iron ore, sugar, petroleum and chicken meat. But why deal with an economic and rural theme, if we are talking about architecture and urbanism? Although the large tracts of land involved in primary production are far from the large cities, the main destination for their products, yet today, is the Brazilian coast.

The vast territory, with an area greater than 8 million square kilometers, and the. Historically, this infrastructure was implemented in a disconnected way, without integrated planning and, as pointed out by Sergio Besserman in his interview, without economic rationale. The result was the predominance of a transportation model by diesel-powered trucks, without prominent railroads or river barge routes in a country with one of the largest potentials for waterways in the world.

In a scenario of global policies of reduction in carbon emissions, Brazil began from a backward position, with a slow, burdensome system of considerable environmental impact. There are other questions linked to this distribution. Since a large part of the Brazilian primary production originates in the continental portion of the country, especially in the Central-West, and the export facilities are, invariably, on the East Coast, an enormous flow of heavy trucks must pass through areas of greater population density and urbanization—the large metropolises.

Therefore, regions where public transport and mobility are already complex questions find themselves obliged to also think about urban networks for the circulation of merchandise. The externalities of this circulation in the intra-urban context are a theme of discussion in a wide range of places.

Where to situate the arteries—referring to the urban metabolism mentioned by Philip Yang, who writes in this chapter—and the supply depots are key questions in the planning and management of Brazilian cities. Relating origin and destination in the primary production requires a reflection on which cities and populations are being formed at these poles.

Rather than being designed for the lives of their residents, they were materialized as a response to the needs of determined products. Areas of shipping and export facilities also wind up developing their structure according to their role as the site of depots. Focused on their ports, airports or railways, like the large primary producers, they become cities of a single function.

While the point of production becomes more fragile in the generation of jobs, income and living conditions, something different takes place in the cities that are along the way between sources and destinations. A systemic understanding is thus necessary: the relation of the material flows through the Brazilian territory is not uniform, and the productive sources constitute a nearly invisible wall of social inequality.

In general, the producer cities have a less dynamic economy and offer fewer social opportunities. Such understanding would also permit the rural-urban duality to be seen as a relation of complementary parts that can foster new local and regional opportunities and development. The Map The map essentially considers the landscape created by the impact of primary production in Brazil.

Four questions are highlighted: the specialization of the commodities—mining especially iron , agriculture and livestock raising soybeans, chicken meat , petroleum and wood; how they circulate through the country; the composition of the trade balance; and the urban layers that are related to these dynamics. The aim is to reveal the scale of this production which, although it is one of the main economic sources of the country, the power is not translated into progress for the social issues related to it.

The map relied on various collaborations, especially that of Pedro Camargo, the developer of the project AequilibraE. He was in charge of the processing of the consolidated data regarding the movement of commodities throughout the territory. The national information of the logistics companies was transformed into a network of links and nodes—representing, respectively, the circulation of merchandise between the Brazilian microregions and their central points.

Four main categories were considered in these flows: general bulk, liquid bulk, solid agricultural bulk and nonagricultural solid bulk. The information on imports are represented at the left, exports at the right, according to products, countries and distribution centers. Lastly, in a social layer, the map shows the population density in the Brazilian cities compared to their amount of petroleum extraction—a commodity that is used more in areas far from where it is processed—suggesting the inequalities arising from flows of material through the Brazilian territory.

Walls What are the greatest logistical and economic obstacles to the flow of goods in Brazil? The infrastructure that enables and organizes this flow was built without any economic rationale. We have never had a government capable of long-term planning and we have difficulty in developing collective solutions. As a consequence, today we have infrastructure that suffers from low productivity: a country, continental in size, that uses diesel trucks to transport freight. In an era that could be defined by a transition to low carbon, we have very little coastal navigation, few waterways considering our potential.

There is neither planning nor control over the use of land in cities, which results in unnecessary risks and impacts on the environment and the health and well-being of people. We are experiencing a problem that is not unique to Brazil: mining, or any activity with high short-term economic returns, always attracts lots of people. When the activity ends, because the resource is exhausted, we have people left in squalid conditions and a degraded environment.

Today, municipalities and large and medium-sized companies are aware of this, so some very interesting experiments are beginning to happen. This integration of science, technology and production with traditional populations. Animals, plants and fungi need to circulate between natural environments.

Behavior and micro-politics. Side effects What are the most critical socioeconomic and environmental impacts from the production and transportation of goods around Brazil? How does one balance the high demand from foreign markets, like China, and development on a local scale? From a socioeconomic standpoint, the most critical impact is from the inefficiency of our infrastructure.

The environmental impact could be huge, for two main reasons: first, risks are not always well managed; second, because of climate change. The World Bank predicts that this could potentially wipe out all the progress made on poverty over the last 20 to 30 years. It is a terrible threat that will result in wars, genocides, perverse suffering. The greatest impact of selling commodities to the entire world tends to be the enterprise itself, even more so than its transportation.

Cattle raising causes deforestation and emits greenhouse gases; agriculture causes deforestation and reduces biodiversity. But for all of this there is a solution, based on scientific and indigenous knowledge.

Farming cannot continue to use the same amount of nitrogen and phosphorus. We know that when it rains, these chemicals are carried by streams to rivers and end up creating dead zones in oceans, a problem even bigger than that of plastic. We can farm and protect reserves, by paying close attention to the connections between biomes. Alone, we cannot help nature deal with the climate change that we have created. Nature is extraordinary and very. How is the production of commodities in Brazil related to the different consumption patterns of Brazilians?

How does a growth development model affect individual lifestyles? First, Brazil is an unjust country and the most effective way to deal with poverty generated by huge inequality is to grow, grow, grow. So we are hostage to growthat-any-cost developmentalism. We have to discover how to grow with fewer impacts. Brazilian society has a hierarchy based on conspicuous consumption, an unconscionable, perverse consumption.

Another interesting topic is conscientious consumption, where products must have labels that warn us if they are responsible for polluting, warming the planet, reducing biodiversity or promoting deforestation. And how could alternative models to predatory extractivism transform our energy grid?

To do this, you have to increase governance and engage everyone. An important tool for this is the Cadastro Ambiental Rural [Rural Environmental Registry — CAR] which georeferences the properties and allows any citizen to monitor for possible deforestation.

We need to improve monitoring efficiency and punish those who deforest, but also create opportunities for surrounding populations and value prevention and sustainable management. Brazil has more forest area in need of restoration than any other. We could feed the world with our degraded pastures alone.

This would make a big difference in the fight against climate change. Except for our hydroelectric network, our infrastructure is from the fossil fuel age. This is a huge problem, but it is also an opportunity. If we make the transition to low-carbon infrastructure, the competitive advantages for Brazil will be extraordinary. We can supply food, energy, materials, based on biotechnology and synthetic biology, all of it with almost zero carbon. Transformative potential Which economic or land planning mechanisms can be associated with the production and shipping of commodities to ensure conservation and prevent environmental crimes like the Rio Doce case?

Improving the quality of democracy in Brazil is the best way of avoiding disaster. The greatest challenge in Brazilian infrastructure is to reorganize it more efficiently, which depends mainly on governance, and the ability to find collective solutions. The specificities of each region need to be studied. In the Amazon, you may think that a road is a cheaper solution, but a road promotes deforestation.

With the railroad, you have to go to the station, where you can control whether the timber is under management or is illegally logged. And there are also the waterways. But all of this must take into consideration that a low carbon economy will one day be a component in the price of everything, especially commodities. Supplying the cheapest and most. The awareness that cities are the largest and most complex artifacts ever created by civilizations has inspired urban studies in different fields of knowledge that go far beyond the classic discipline of urbanism.

As a result, several metaphors have emerged to represent the city, revealing the new outlooks and distinct analytical and methodological perspectives brought about by this expanded range of approaches. Semiotics and social psychology, for example, interpret the city as a sign1. In life sciences it is viewed as a living organism and its physical networks are described as tissues,2 in an allusion to the sets of cells that make up animals and plants. A metaphor derived from biochemistry, urban metabolism3 is used to describe the energy, water, food and waste processes of cities.

The ubiquitous presence in urban environments of commodities, understood as general products intended for commercial use, instigates the creation of yet another metaphor, derived from mechanics: the city as a machine, consumer and processor of such products. Therefore, given the ubiquity of commodities in cities,. See the interesting article by Nikita A.

New York: Oxford Library of Psychology, See the studies of urban morphology and references to the urban tissue in Saverio Muratori, Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia, I. Roma: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, See, for example, the lines of research developed by Delft University of Technology. Available at: urbanmetabolism. Accessed on: March 20, Historically, extractive cities that did not diversify their economies, such as Ojuela in Mexico, Sewell in West Virginia US , or Copperfield in Queensland Australia , became ghost towns following depletion of the extraction resource.

Economics defines commodities as a set of products of a generic, basic and highly fungible nature, i. Among many possible categorizations, commodities may be ranked as extractive iron, copper, zinc, aluminum , energy or fossil gas, coal, oil and agricultural soy, rice, wheat.

Given the broad process of commoditization of industrialized goods, one may also affirm that industrial commodities forcibly emerge as a fourth and necessary category of analysis. They have poorly diversified economies and small markets, and therefore do not stand out as machines in the other categories. We might think of both cities as belonging to a subtype characterized by intensive extraction of non-fossil commodities and by equally intensive consumption of fossil commodities.

Throughout history, trading cities have played a key role in the transfer of goods and exchange of ideas between different parts of the world. As a side effect, trade brought wealth and capital accumulation, which made it possible to improve industrial processes such as printing and the manufacture of glass and paper, as well as promote the advancement of medicine, philosophy, astronomy and agriculture.

The trade of basic goods on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange is worth one quadrillion dollars per year, although the city itself has no physical facilities associated with these transactions, which relate mainly to virtual operations performed over the entire planet. Levels of operation, such as value adder, are certainly higher in more mature. And while such a correlation is intuitively obvious, the nuances that may be inferred from more in-depth quantitative studies are potentially revealing of less obvious social and economic causes and effects, even pulling in opposite directions.

In their role as value adders, they aim to make goods that are fungible—or undifferentiated— acquire traits of differentiation. Such differentiation necessarily occurs in the field of innovation: enhancement of goods, branding and marketing, and the supply of services associated with them.

In a more constrained movement, but representative of new trends, several mature cities in the developed world whose production of commodities is currently close to zero are striving to implement agricultural production in urban areas. At the same time, many consumers in these cities have started favoring commodities with certificates of origin, and therefore differentiated, refuting the very concept of commodities, which is non-differentiation.

Non-genetically modified corn, free-range eggs, organic vegetables and antibiotic-free meat are just a few examples of products offered to consumers interested in traceability and therefore differentiation of commodities. In another example, potentially larger in scale, enhancement of 3D printing will allow, in the near future, the production of industrial commodities, currently restricted to peri-urban areas, in urban and even domestic environments.

The different examples listed in the sparse and disorderly inventory above suggest that forms of treatment and consumption of commodities in urban environments are lively indicators of various economic and social trends in cities. On the demand level, comparison of consumption rates between different types of commodities may indicate the shortcomings and virtues of each urban machine and suggest a course of action for certain sectors.

One may conclude from these rambling ideas that the systematization in the machine city of an input-output framework focused on commodities may potentially generate a set of indicators capable of guiding urban. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, Although they are less attractive to the marketplace of ideas than metaphors derived from emerging disciplines, the lines of research that advance in this approach— addressing the city-as-a-commodity-processingmachine—seem therefore worthy of the current agenda.

This is especially true if we recall that the global economic restructuring initiated in the s was also accompanied by a spatial restructuring of cities, which thereafter took on different roles. While some of them have become centers of command in the global economy, concentrating management roles,5 others remained linked to production activities.

Within this economic and territorial hierarchy, the most prominent cities are those capable of managing their territories in order to induce their transformation into new innovation-producing machine cities. When we analyze the human impact within the geographical space we note that the territorial borders are not limiting factors.

Ecosystems do not respect geopolitical borders. The analysis of an ecosystem— concept that presupposes the relation between beings and physicochemical factors of the determined environments—does not involve, therefore, only visible questions. In the common definition, an ecosystem is a natural environment, without anthropic transformations.

Here, however, it involves the human being and his or her interactions with the surroundings, influenced by natural, economic, cultural and social variables. How can an ecosystem be impacted by man and vice versa? What role do geographic borders have in this? The analysis of territories such as Brazil and South America helps to understand these questions. On the scale of the city, the conflicts between man and ecosystem are constant, often linked to social factors.

The rapid process of Brazilian urbanization resulted in cities where planning could not catch up to speed to the informal growth. Industrial labor, without access to good-quality of dwellings, settled in areas without infrastructure, on the fringes of the urban centers, often in environmental protection areas.

In , the Technical Assistance Law was passed,1 which guarantees low-income families earing three times the minimum wage or less, in urban or rural areas technical plans and accompaniment in the construction of a dwelling. Encompassing questions of. Although it is an important and entirely new endeavor, the law is not without its flaws: the target families are unaware of it, and because of the scarce dialogue between architects and urbanists, engineers, geologists and health technicians, it does not produce significant results.

Conflicts of an environmental order are not limited to the scale of cities only. To reach a deep understanding of our ecosystem it is necessary to consider the positive or negative externalities, in multiple scales simultaneously. In recent years, there has been a significant reduction of the Brazilian forests, especially in Amazonia. The rampant deforestation is related, on one hand, with considerable gains in exportation, and, on the other, represents a significant loss of natural ecosystems fundamental for maintaining the Brazilian and South American bio-climatic balance.

As we are reminded by Antonio Donato Nobre in his interview, the location of South America in relation to the equator ensures the continent relatively mild temperatures, which has allowed for the establishment of a significant equatorial flora, of high humidity, thanks to the vapors from the transpiration of plant life. Both Nobre as well as Paulo Tavares underscore that the agricultural, livestock raising and extractive industries should enter into harmony with the system of the Amazon forest, since its demise would have considerable impacts on the rain cycle in Brazil and in other South American.

If primary production is not reduced, its shipping and consumption will also create great environmental impacts. The construction of infrastructure for the distribution of these products devastates green lands with paved highways that aggravate the problem of soil impermeability. On the urban sphere, the increase of the population and of activities linked to industry and services generate new demands for power. In this work, artist Carolina Caycedo investigates ideas of flow, assimilation, resistance, representation, control, nature and culture, with a critical look at the developmentalist infrastructural projects.

A global analysis that considers everything from the local to regional scale is necessary to ensure that the perception of degradation processes does not remain only in the collective imagination. The barriers should stop being invisible and reach the tangible field of everyone who works in shaping the Brazilian urban space. Works like those of photographers Helena Wolfenson and Aline Lata, who document the bursting of the Bento Rodrigues dam in Mariana MG , shed light on the conflict between the natural and human ecosystems and raise awareness about the impacts on human life.

There is an ever-growing need to develop consciousness and mechanisms to prevent scenes like these to become increasingly frequent in Brazil. More knowledge is needed about the cycles of nature and our impact in them. Instead of being an unknown wall for the urban territory, they should be understood holistically by all the agents building the Brazilian cities: from the owners of the means of production and large tracts of land, to real estate promoters, the public power, social groups, and, not least, architects and urbanists.

Instead of geopolitical borders, the map emphasizes the physical natural barriers of significant impact. Carbon emissions from biomass loss are represented in red and yellow tones. The darker the area, the more intense the emissions. When in balance, the equatorial vegetation absorbs significant rates of carbon through photosynthesis, offsetting releases by decomposition.

When it is cut down or substituted by agriculture, for example, the carbon concentration levels in the atmosphere increases, contributing to global warming. This scenario is complemented by the accumulation of vapor in the air and the winds that transport them, thus regulating the rain cycle in South America.

By highlighting natural elements distant from the urban environment but with significant impact on them, the map encourages architects and urbanists to developed a more global understanding of their territory of action.

Law Retrieved on: April 20, He is deeply involved in disseminating and popularizing science and with the agenda for sustainable development of the Amazon. Walls What characteristics of Western culture appear responsible for the stark segregation between natural and manmade landscapes? Westerners are enchanted with analytical capacity, abstract reasoning, fostered by the development of the left hemisphere of the brain, the only functional structure in nature that is exclusive to human beings.

Culturally, by cultivating this structure we separate ourselves from our own body and, in this way, from the environment, because the body does not exist outside of it. We have this detachment, while the native peoples of the Amazon, ancient peoples of Asia, are more playful and less rational. They maintain their roots because the playful side is completely linked with the hypothalamus, to the animal brain, emotional and sensitive to what connects us to the environment.

Evidence What are the best examples of this segregation on a global scale? And how does this take shape in the Brazilian context? Today, in the geological epoch of the Anthropocene, this disconnect with the environment leads humanity to modify the entire system, following a logic of positive feedback, powerfully multiplying the number of human beings on planet Earth.

Technology allows us to equal geological forces. On Earth, mankind has produced, in a very short period of time, the same stratigraphic markers as left by the impact of a massive meteor or processes that take millions of years. Indigenous people believe in spirits, and have no problem with what they cannot see.

The indigenous people view the forest, animals, the jaguar, with great respect. We have lost this, especially due to the influence of science and rationalism. Side effects What links the Amazon, in the north, and the cities of the south and southeast of Brazil?

How are the so-called flying rivers affected by the progress heralded by agribusiness, by the exploration of nonrenewable natural resources fossil and mineral and by drastic interventions in the natural landscape, such as the building of hydroelectric plants? The Amazon is located in the equatorial zone, which generates an enormous amount of heat and water vapor. We are very concerned about global warming and the emission of carbon, but there is little emphasis on the protection of forests.

More important than carbon is controlling water vapor and its atmospheric flows, the phenomena that we call flying rivers. The water, however, can only get to the continents because of the forests, which act as a biotic pump. The Amazon forest, with its trees, puts around 20 billion tons of water into the atmosphere on a daily basis—which is more water than the Amazon River.

The vapor returns from the atmosphere in the form of rain, spreading throughout the interior of the continent. With deforestation, the forest is already undergoing a process of terminal decline. We are breaking the biotic pump for atmospheric moisture. The invasion of the Amazon is part of the mentality I referred to previously: we cannot see the vapor, just as we cannot understand its importance.

The European disaster is being repeated here. Even with proof, linear reasoning will not regard what it cannot see. In the discussion of the forest code, our academic group and SBPC explained the situation to the politicians. Years later, the Supreme Court partially conceded our point.

A backward oligarchy determines how things will be. They are only an insignificant fraction of society, since the times of colonial Brazil. We say: you are destroying the goose that lays the golden eggs, agriculture depends umbilically on the forest… Remove the forest, agriculture will end, we cannot farm the desert.

Behavior and micro-politics Is there some relationship between the current economic and political crisis in Brazil and the way we treat the environment? How does climate change currently influence disputes over urban and rural land and those inhabited or claimed by indigenous peoples? Mining pervades our national ethos, for example. Renca, a national reserve, has been opened to mining.

It was the last reserve connected to the ocean left intact, which enables the flying rivers to reach the interior. If the vapor transport chain is interrupted, the interior will dry up. And President Michel Temer removed protection from precisely this area. Brazil received as royalties, for 50 years, the equivalent of 0. Huge holes, pollution and deforestation, since the roads that they created provide access to those who deforest.

When a mineral is taken from here and enters a developed economy, it is infinitely recycled. There scrap iron generates more money than those who possessed the original wealth. Traders are the ones who make the most from commodities, not Brazil or farmers or agribusiness.

Just like the times in which Europeans came and traded a mirror to indigenous people in exchange for gold. The wealth of the Amazon is being squandered for 0. If Brazil earned what these minerals were worth on the market, there would be no economic problems. The country would be on top if the rules enforced here were the same rules followed by the countries that colonized us. Our problem is not poverty in the Amazon.

It is the poverty in wealth, the mental poverty of the elites. Where there is degradation, we can produce fibers and create a composition of fast and slow cycles. We will regenerate forests in the Amazon like the ancient peoples did. It is the future.

Transformative potential. Do you believe that the environmental crisis can bring about a more holistic understanding of the earth and transform the borders that exist between men and between mankind and nature? There are huge distances between us. Perhaps between the agribusiness lobby and myself—since I am an environmentalist—there is more distance Experience in the discipline between us than the ends of the universe.

This generates a more balanced relationship between kind of cultural autism, to the point that human and nonhuman ecosystems, with someone says we do not need the Amazon a view to the sustainable development forest, we need soybeans. Egotism introduces a disintegrating it with bricks, concrete and steel.

If the factor—this is finally appearing in biology. The Amazon forest only dimension of a seed. Using forest functions because of collaboration. Fearing that social mayhem could escalate and jeopardize the event, security forces imposed a swift crackdown. In the city centers the military police contained the protests with tear-gas, rubber-bullets and arbitrary detentions; in the peripheries, where the projects of the World Cup and the Olympics in Rio de Janeiro left a legacy of widespread evictions,1 they deployed the usual means of repression utilized against the poor, terrorizing the population with curfews, armoured vehicles, and extrajudicial killings.

Available at comitepopulario. Accessed on: April 6, Instituto Humanitas Unisinos, Conjuntura da Semana. Interview with a worker in Belo Monte, published on April 18, As striking as the political convulsions were the extremely harsh droughts that hit the country in these months.

And as the droughts progressively worsened, the government started to realize that social unrest was not the only problem menacing the FIFA World Cup, but that it would also have to deal with the destabilizing effects of climate change. Social turbulence and climatic extremes were perceived and analysed as unrelated episodes pertaining to separate domains. Whereas the former was located in socio-political history, the latter was treated as a de-historicized phenomenon resulting from natural disturbances, being placed outside the realm of social conflicts that shape history.

Once observed from a broader perspective, however, the simultaneous political storms, floods and droughts that swept over the Brazilian territory appear to be interdependent events on many different levels, drawing the contours of a complex environmental-political terrain in which social and natural forces are interrelated by manifold interactions that operate across different scales and temporalities. Wind currents periodically carry the moisture released by the forest trees in the atmosphere through the interior of the basin towards the Andes, and as the giant mountain barrier deflects the gyre, the vapours migrate across the landmass to the south, nourishing vast agricultural fields and replenishing numerous hydroelectric reservoirs along the way.

Rather than simply a natural phenomena, this ongoing climatic destabilization of the rainforest is the environmental product of development projects implemented during the late twentieth century, when the military dictatorships of South America, seeing themselves as a force of modernization, sought to. Philip M. The occupation of the forest hinterlands with a series of mega-developments—continental highways, dams, agribusiness plantations, oil and mineral extraction complexes—triggered massive deforestation in a short period of time, severely damaging the biophysical structure and ecological resilience of the Amazon.

This project was imposed on local populations by means of pervasive repression and violence, particularly against indigenous peoples, who were systematically displaced and targeted by vicious colonial policies of cultural and physical extermination. Their implementation on the ground has also been marked by widespread rights violations of local communities who are opposing this project.

Hilton S. Pinto and Eduardo D. Regional habitats will be disrupted, aggravating conflicts over land and water and so fuelling frontier violence, driving the further encroachment into indigenous territories and ecological reserves, and pushing environmental degradation deeper. Increasing water deficits will compromise the soil of the most important grain producing regions throughout Latin America, dramatically reducing the area suitable for export crops such as coffee, maize and, chiefly, soya.

Climate-induced displacement of plants will be accompanied by migratory waves of populations of urban and rural poor whose livelihoods will be equally disrupted by water shortages and droughts. As with what happened during the decades of the dictatorship, when the generals enforced the massive displacement of peasants from the drought-prone northeast regions in oreder to colonize the. As reservoirs and pipelines run dry, water will become one of the main factors over which urban conflicts will be fought.

Indirectly catalysed by deforestation in the Amazon, the coming Journeys of June will be ignited by riots and rebellions over common natural resources, both in the cities and the hinterlands, while the devastating social effects of climate change are turning into a question of national security that will be contained with the characteristic state repression and violence that rules in urban peripheries and forest frontiers of Brazil.

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Accessed on March 1, Accessed on January 2, January 2, The other side of the Atlantic offered, after all, security, quality of life, a mild climate, a common language and history, facilities for obtaining a European passport, and low taxes, compared to the rest of Europe.

These attractions were coupled with a very active real estate market whose prices still remained lower than those of other European capitals. But the reversal of the flow that has taken place in the last three or four years corresponds to a curious coincidence: Brazil has entered into collapse, while Portugal is giving surprising signs of renewed growth. The year is a landmark in this sense: it simultaneously marks the beginning of Operation Car Wash in Brazil and the end of the troika period in Portugal.

That is, the beginning of the investigation of corruption schemes and embezzlement of public funds that triggered the current crisis in which Brazil finds itself—and, in Portugal, the reversal of the austerity measures imposed in by the triad formed by the European Union, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank.

Accessed on January 25, Accessed on March 3, See www. A gap is thus revealed between the cultural model of origin and the local context, which is passed on to the architects: how to ensure garage spaces in cities where the car is not prioritized or, at least, is forced to exist within more rigorous limits than are normal in Brazil? Meanwhile, in the streets of Lisbon, Porto, Coimbra or Cascais, showcases full of rendered images of the latest residential releases vie for the most prominent advertizing spaces on downtown streets.

There, the Brazilians are the majority among those who have invested in the luxurious project by Portuguese architect Frederico Valsassina, where the absence of garage space was solved with a tunnel that leads to the basement of a contiguous building. Even so, wealthier owners often introduce alterations in the designs, aimed at adapting them to their standards of comfort and ways of life.

Some buy two apartments and hire an architect to unite them, which in some cases. This pompous name coupled with the generalized branding of the renaissance of post-troika Lisbon lends the project a sense of Brazilian comfort. And the common areas include an outdoor pool and spa. The design is by Brazilian architect Sidney Quintela, based in Salvador.

The general contractor and builder are also Brazilian. The rest are Portuguese. Is this a sign that the Portuguese are becoming enamored—once again—with typically Brazilian ways of living? Or will the number of Brazilians wishing to renew their customs abroad be greater than expected? An agreement signed in between the Conselho de Arquitetura e Urbanismo do Brasil [Council of Architecture and Urbanism of Brazil] and the Ordem dos Arquitectos de Portugal [Order of Architects of Portugal], authorizing Brazilian urbanists and architects to exercise their profession in Portugal—and vice versa13—opened a decisive door for the presence of Brazilian architects in Portuguese lands.

Some were carried out in partnership with local architects. And if the clients are not always Brazilian, the references to Brazil are frequent. And it sits on an isolated block that recalls the pattern of gated condominiums in Brazil—an aspect which, not by chance, is also found in the design.

Accessed on August 20, At least up to now, this production has taken place on the fringe of the most prestigious circuits of contemporary Portuguese architecture, at least in what concerns residential projects. And some Brazilian builders, such as Osborne and Alcon. Porto: Afrontamento, , p. Interview with architect Domingos Tavares by the author, on February 2, , in Porto.

See Jorge F. Ferreira de Castro, Emigrantes. Lisboa: Guimaraes, They were, therefore, individuals known by a sort of double image: in Brazil they were called Portuguese, and in Portugal, Brazilians. Most of them began their life in Brazil in unskilled positions. Most of those who returned spent little time in Brazil— around a decade, if that long. The probably most notorious— and scandalous—case is that of Joaquim Ferreira dos Santos Porto, — , Count Ferreira. The son of farm workers, he emigrated to Brazil around , made a fortune in businesses that included slave trading, returned to his native land, and is celebrated until today for his philanthropic works in Brazil and Portugal, including the founding of hospitals, churches and public schools in the North and South of Portugal.

Porto: Livraria Chardron, n. Domingos Tavares, Casas de brasileiro. Porto: Dafne, An architecture that arises in areas of peripheral urbanity located above all in the north of Portugal. And a leafy garden with arbors, ponds and artificial caves, palm.

In terms of their implantation, these houses tend to stand out from their surroundings, almost always located on elevations or along roadsides. If we observe the urban houses constructed by Portuguese in the same period in Brazil, we will find a continuous process of influences and intercrossings, in which it is difficult to identify a point of origin. What transformations are already visible, and what can be expected from the transposition now underway, to Portugal, in regard to the typical habits and ways of life of the Brazilian elite?

It is too early to reach any conclusions. But if this architecture bears relation to a new migratory cycle, we must also consider the already existing or future impacts. See Miguel Monteiro, op. Or the castle of D. They will prepare documents to obtain passports, also for free. Jornal de Cantanhede, n. The controversy around the railroad project mostly involved its social environmental impact, since it would cross indigenous territories and preservation areas in the Amazon forest.

Accessed on January 14, Os dias da Troika. Lisbon: Note, Lisbon: Salamandra, Porto: Afrontamento, Palacete Marques Gomes. Casas de Brasileiro. It is not surprising, in any case, that one of the stockholders of the international airport of Rio de Janeiro is the same Chinese group HNA that in recent years also became a stockholder of two of the largest airline companies of Portugal and Brazil TAP and Azul.

The recent and simultaneous investments by China in the airport sector of the two countries indicates that a path is being constructed between Asia and South America via Europe, a sort of new silk route, now aerial and transoceanic. Ana Luiza Nobre Rio de Janeiro, is an architect and architecture critic and historian.

Brazilian culture has historically been marked by the miscegenation of foreigners and locals. In contemporary Brazil, the concept of the urban immigrant is increasingly present in the quotidian of cities due to the rapid domestic migratory movement. New tendencies for such movement have arisen as a response to economic recessions and social crisis that the country underwent in the last 20 years, resulting in an unprecedented flow of people both between metropolises and between rural and urban areas.

This approach aims at visualizing and understanding the scale of these waves of displacement that make ever more complex the composition of the social and urban panoramas of Brazil. Today, although legal immigrants make up less than one percent of the Brazilian population, these groups point at important cultural ties, historical events, and technological possibilities surrounding the.

The intimate relationship between the intensified exchange of goods in the mercantilist era and the establishment of the modern nation-state is further expressed in the influx of nationalities such as Spanish, Italian, Japanese, French, and Dutch in the first couple of centuries after the arrival of the Portuguese in Brazil.

Shortly after the crisis of succession in Portugal and the consequent formation of the Iberian Union in , the then Portuguese possessions in South America were violently contested by the Netherlands and France. Both nations sought to rival the Iberian power in trading sugar and African slaves.

During the 17th century, about twenty thousand Dutch immigrants lived in northeast Brazil. From the 18th to the 20th century, as later stages of capital exchange developed alongside communication technologies, war conflicts, and systemic economic crisis, Brazil remained attractive to immigrants from European countries suffering from economic recessions and shortage of employment, such as Germany after its unification in During this period, most immigrants arriving to the country were Italian and Japanese - the latter arriving after the Italian government reacted to the precarious conditions of life reported by Italians in Brazil with a decree that prohibited subsidized immigration to the country.

Today, immigration to Brazil follows patterns of displacement motivated by similar issues than those of a century ago. Leaving their native countries for reasons related to wars, persecution, or simply dreams and hopes of a better life, millions of men and women wish—consciously or not—to be a part of the country. It is worth noting. This condition triggered an unprecedented flow of people between metropolises but also between rural and urban areas.

These new narratives of immigration are the main subject of this section, which aims to visualize and understand the scale of these waves of displacement that make ever more complex the composition of the social and urban panoramas of Brazil.

This way, it exposes the immigrant as a force that successfully challenges the walls represented by traditionally defined geographic limits. Yet, it also shows barriers further imposed to the free circulation of people, narrated by immigrant groups as an antagonistic attitude expressed in frustrated expectations, prejudice, language adjustments, and overly bureaucratic processes. The directors reveal the presence of the physical body as the ultimate space in which segregation occurs, reinforcing the multiplicity of scales in which immigration can be read as a political act.

That is to say that many of these bodies, although having successfully crossed geographic borders, still live at the margin of a society that estranges them with other walls. While the work of Carla and Eliane Caffe documents and speculates on a marginal space where this dynamics of power takes place, Ana C.

Tonetti and Ligia Nobre,. As shown in the photographs of Rivane Neuenschwander, sites like the old Cambridge Hotel—and others, in their reference to geographical locations outside the political borders of Brazil—depict how immigrants and the global economy has an impact in local Brazilian society.

In the end, even in the most simple towns, one finds the desire to belong to a global culture. THE MAP In order to map recent trends in the movement of people in the Brazilian territory, the map summarizes migratory flows of over a million people during the period between and Dividing them in incoming flux of refugees, incoming flux of international immigrants, and domestic migration flows, the graphics indicate the direction and intensity of this movement.

Additionally, the timeline accompanying the map allows the visualization of the total absolute number of people immigrating, according to their country of origin. In this same section, the increase or decrease in the flows is also visible, represented in a yearly basis. Some of them migrated for work opportunity, others immigrated or sought asylum looking to improve their life conditions.

Their paths are enumerated, and joined with their personal stories describing feelings and obstacles while crossing different kinds of borders until their arrival in Brazil. She studied cinema in Cuba and the aesthetics of art in Spain. As director and screenwriter, her first feature film, Kenoma , was shown at the 56th Venice Biennale.

She works in the fields of art and design direction. She is a professor at the school of architecture and urbanism at Escola da Cidade and teaches workshops at Sesc Pompeia. Walls What appear to be the main barriers that immigrants encounter in their struggle for access to housing?

This cultural shock comes in the form of simple things. These differences appear in a very violent way in a universe of conflict zones. It is really harsh and intense. We really do not understand. They carefully select what they tell us.

CC: Physical presence. EC: The level of disease that exists in these bodies and the enormous suffering. These are vulnerable people and, in their desperation, they get involved with drug trafficking. CC: When we speak about refugees, we think in the abstract. These are very different worlds and there is an enormous segregation between them, as well as among us.

The world of refugees is a diverse one, but we lump them all into a single category. EC: Perhaps this is one of the bricks that build this wall. When a wall is finally torn down, we see that there is another behind it. Our system is reaching a very high level of cruelty; everything revolves around capital and forms of exploitation. Exploitation occurs on every level: social networks, biennials, festivals, universities. What does it mean to continue repeating it?

The consequence is enriching a few while leaving many in abject poverty. Behind the wars that resulted in these searches for refuge, there are human beings that coordinate them. If we believe that war is part of human nature, we become used to the building of walls. CC: Walls are these bubbles in which we live. With social networks we are becoming more inward-looking, discussing issues only amongst our own groups.

We forget the presence of the body. It is the body that leaves the comfort zone; we are able to perceive others only when we pass over these walls. We can see the importance of this through Carnival, when we rid ourselves of all borders, exposing ourselves in a way that does not happen the rest of the year. Experience in the discipline How is the subjectivity of the immigrant and low-income population—the social categories most impacted by difficulties in accessing housing—affected during this process of struggle?

What type of collective body arises from this meeting of a context of vulnerability and struggle for a common roof? EC: We perceive a clear change in this subjectivity, above all with Africans, and in their understanding of what is a collective activity. We perceive this difficulty when doing grassroots work with the immigrants there in the occupation. CC: These are people who live in conflict zones and are stripped of their right to housing.

During the film we use play to help get beyond the language barrier. It was through games that the collective could get along. Behavior and micro-politics What experience in crossing divides did you gain from contact with the movements struggling for housing? What role can cinema and docufiction play in this discussion? CC: The film Era o Hotel Cambridge was able to create an understanding between various nationalities, among six languages.

The relationship between architecture and cinema was interesting and very fertile. At this moment the powerful counterpart begins and through it we were able to access that territory. At the same time we were asking for something, we were also offering something. A kind of reciprocity and affection developed between the parties, who recognized that they needed each other for that to happen.

When we are present, our tools are our senses. We read about a subject, but when we deal with it in person we capture other levels of the problem. CC: In the first calls to form a collective for the film, no adults came, only children. They were the ones who brought the adults, little by little, to the theater workshops. I would never have thought of, considered or imagined this work method.

It was the result of being present. EC: Children take the subject matter into the home and the family opens up to us. This is one of the methods that emerged. Transformative potential What type of power and new uses for urban space can you see emerging from the relationship between Brazilian cultural diversity and contemporary immigrants? EC: There is no public policy to assimilate these immigrants into society.

They tend to isolate themselves in ghettos with those with similar backgrounds. This creates a closed system of codes that drives prejudice. The housing movements are perhaps a way of facing this problem head-on, but we are far from resolving it. As long as we are marked by the hegemonic presence of capital, of the marketplace, which permeate everything, it will not be possible.

A concrete example is that, in just a few days, newly arrived migrants become slaves of the factories in the neighborhood of Bom Retiro. They are hired by construction companies to lay marble but they are not paid. The vast majority are being enslaved. If they try to escape this system, they are automatically co-opted by drug traffickers. We will not be able to implement a policy of assimilation while there is still hunger.

CC: A refugee is already the result of an exploitative relationship. This idea that Brazilians are generous and open to new cultures is not true. EC: The system protects itself by creating masks that make us accept circumstances as something normal. Everyone criticizes the government, but no one talks about the companies. Those of us who put on festivals and biennials are born into this context and are unable to see that it is a system that exploits and profits.

The work was organized around a lunch at the 9 de Julho Occupation,1 in January The meeting brought together more than a hundred people, including organizers, guests, cooks and other stakeholders, with participation from 23 families of migrants, immigrants and refugees—some of them residents in this occupied building.

We got to know these families that hail not only from other regions of Brazil but also from the Congo, Angola, Ghana, Peru, Paraguay, Venezuela and Haiti. In addition to access to housing, they mentioned financial difficulties, the search for work, inadequate public services—such as transportation and healthcare—the Portuguese language, inflexibility of the bureaucracy, illegal status, racism, isolation and fear of death as some of the main problems faced in this metropolis of 20 million people.

The journeys of these families also show the tangible and intangible borders that mark our territories, whether they be in the. Their many stories evoke strong emotions and point to some of the challenges in observing human rights in Brazil. In addition to the adversities experienced by these families, it is evident, in our opinion, that dialogue and contact can help to build new ways forward.

These points of discourse need to be developed and understood, since they can illuminate new paths for contemporary cities. Those interested would have to pay a fee to cover travel expenses, having as a guarantee a job placement when they reached their destination: the construction site of Terminal 3 at Guarulhos International Airport.

Upon arriving at the large construction site, workers from Pernambuco joined other workers from various parts of the country. The NEC. These project diagrams clearly show the systemic relationship between contractors and the State. They are basically the same actors in both situations. After a few days, only part of the group was hired and there was no forecast for new hires:.

Nobre, Gilberto Mariotti and Joana Barossi eds. The three books used as bibliography for the preparation of this text were published by the Projeto Contracondutas and are distributed free of charge and can be accessed at: www. TAC is a repressive legal instrument, whereby the sued company undertakes promptly to comply with the laws and reimburse those involved.

Thirty-eight men would have to live in a property with three bedrooms and only one bathroom. There were no furniture, beds, or mattresses […] Every two days there was no water […] There was little or nothing to eat […] As there was no work and no salary, many asked for food in the neighborhood or got into debt. At a site like Terminal 3, they are employed to carry out smaller services, such as the loading of cement bags and rubble.

Such a building site, focused on productivity and profit, does not contribute to the formation of the workforce, does not care about its working or health conditions, and does not consider that a constructive matrix could be devised that takes the human being and its activity as a guiding element of the project.

According to the journalist Sabrina Duran, outsourcing, which makes oversight and the attribution of responsibilities difficult, pulverizes hirings that are already based on low sums negotiated between principal and subcontracted contractors, in a chain effect that makes it impossible to comply with legal obligations and allows for abuses and violations. This action is also the result of serious work done in Brazil since , when the federal government recognized the existence of slave labor in the country.

The conditions analogous to slavery presented in this case are not an exception, but a recurrent situation on the global scale of the contemporary civil construction industry. In Brazil, these degrading labor conditions also reverberate the continuity of slavery, insofar as the majority of the Brazilian population remains excluded from social and political rights, as the historian Rodrigo Bonciani points out. If the case of the TAC happened in , on the eve of the World Cup, the Projeto Contracondutas began in , concomitant with the impeachment of the democratically.

These reforms suppress historic social achievements obtained over the last thirty years, articulating the full outsourcing of middle and end business activities, as well as the extension of working hours, in a total entanglement between private and public dimensions.

Seminars, workshops, studies, reports, a documentary, public artistic interventions, lectures, editorials, essays, and publications, were inserted in the curricular structure of the Escola in order to amplify its already remarkable stand in the public sphere.

Contracondutas approached different publics, collaborators, and institutions focused on teaching and culture, bringing together more than participants— from multiple practices and fields of knowledge—into heterogeneous constellations, which allowed crossovers between academia and society, architecture and politicoaesthetic practices. The choice of title, Contracondutas [Counter-Conducts], came from a critical and reflective position on the term conduct, as developed by Michel Foucault,9 to refer to the techniques and procedures that work for the conduction of a set of individuals.

We were interested in the ambivalent character of the term, emphasized by Foucault, since a particular conduct also implies the way we allow ourselves to be conducted, and how we behave under the effect of the conductive act. The Counter-Conducts project potentializes taking a stand in the face of about the vision of the contemporary labor statute and its implications for architecture and civil construction within the current Brazilian socio-political context and within the globalized structural context of capital.

What is the role of the architect and the architectural project in reducing or increasing violence at the construction site? How to confront the great infrastructure works that consume the environment and destroy ways of life?

How do these regional realities fit into a globalized world? All these questions were precisely synthesized by a rhetorical image proposed by the journalist Sabrina Duran: If the hoarding that surround and hide the building sites of large-scale constructions were removed, what would a passer-by see? With numerous social reverberations, the project is the first element to be attacked by outside interests, bargaining, and by lobbies that seek to compromise its technical and ethical coherence.

This law confiscates from the architects the conception and control over the whole, further weakening the transparency of bidding processes subject to the pressures of the politico-financial scenario. Architecture is thus also implicated in this precarious labor system, with the outsourcing of contracts, partial work regimes, absence of employment contracts, and exhaustive days, in an unequal equation between the profits of the managers and exposure to risk by the architects.

The possibilities for design intervention in construction of site work relations represent an important dimension. Her lecture also resulted in a text published in the book Contracondutas. Counter-Conducts Diagram. The artist Vitor Cesar appropriated pre-existing visual schemes, associated with the notion of the public sphere to create diagrams that document the process of the Counter-Conducts project.

This diagram was based on the centrality of the relationship between architecture and labour in order to name artistic interventions and academic studies, understood as a politico-pedagogical process, and thus to relate the parts highlighting essential definitions and quotations.

This term, coined by Felicity Scott,12 exposes the ambivalent relations between control and care inherent to architecture that, on the one hand, turns to social, environmental, populational, and cultural questions, but, on the other, inserts itself into complex systemic processes, with layers of opacity, subject to constantly having their intentions captured by the inversions of signs.

The discussions raised here reverberated together with the projects and mappings present in this Brazilian pavilion for the 16th International Architecture Exhibition - Venice Biennial, and seek to contribute to a necessary critical moment in which reflection on the changes of direction in the professional and educational activities is informing new and different ways of thinking, acting and producing collectively, and thus expanding what architecture can establish.

She is a teacher at the Escola da Cidade, where she coordinates the sequence of disciplines focused on means of expression and drawing. She articulates different action strategies, bringing together art and architecture. She is part of O Grupo Inteiro. She works at the crossroads between art and architecture.

Today, however, the scenario is different. We are talking about an estimated , immigrants among more than million Brazilians. This is not very much when compared to countries like the United States, which has the largest absolute number of immigrants in its population, or countries recognized for specific policies to attract foreigners, like Canada and Australia.

These graphs present a compilation of data that allows us to see immigration throughout Brazilian history. In the updated version, the flow of foreigners takes on new dimensions, but also raises old questions. Is Brazil ready and willing to welcome these people? How should the country control their entry and regulate their permanence?

What are the effects, from a social and cultural standpoint? Up until now, the investment appears to have been greater in the legal and institutional context. Since May , the country has had a new Immigration Law, which replaced the Statute of Foreigners, originally formulated during the military dictatorship, in Efforts in terms of documentation and regularization of this population are underway.

But how do we evaluate the impact that this diversity of cultures has on the daily life of many Brazilian cities? We are faced with new urban dynamics, many times with entire neighborhoods transformed into veritable ethnic territories, capable of mobilizing, among other things, the economy, housing market, public services, in addition to promoting new cultural experiences. The data show a new pattern of migration, with different countries of origin, reflecting local crises and global geopolitical issues.

In other words, they are in the prime of their productive lives. The Brazilian southeast is by far the most sought after region. At the same time, it is clear that we are faced with a new cycle of cultural negotiations in which the possibilities of exchange will have, as in other times, huge implications for Brazilian identity. She has worked as director of international organizations and consultant to the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank.

Paulo newspaper and develops projects in data visualization and information design. Of those who immigrated between and , according to data from the Federal Police immigrants. The names of the professions come from Federal Police records and were adapted to improve comprehension. For example, salesman includes: sales clerk, shopkeeper, traveling salesman, door-to-door salesman, newspaper salesman and similar professions.

Seamstress includes: decorator, tailor, dressmaker, furrier, tapestry maker and similar professions. Bricklayer includes: bricklayer assistant, tilelayer, plasterer, glazier and similar professions. Around the globe, the development of cities is intrinsically linked to the primary production: agriculture, livestock raising and the extractive industries.

Since the first civilizations, humans have always chosen to settle in places where their subsistence was possible. Over the course of history, however, with the rise of technological mechanisms and the idea of an external market, the primary production began to generate continuous surpluses; more than subsistence, it became wealth. The development of a worldwide system around this production added particularities to what is generically called today the commodities market.

This term defines products with less value added by industrial processes, but necessary for a wide range of economies and societies. As an essentially agricultural and exporting country, with a history marked by large cycles sugar, gold, coffee , Brazil has developed a significant role in the global production of primary products. It ranks among the 25 largest exporters worldwide, selling mainly soybeans, iron ore, sugar, petroleum and chicken meat.

But why deal with an economic and rural theme, if we are talking about architecture and urbanism? Although the large tracts of land involved in primary production are far from the large cities, the main destination for their products, yet today, is the Brazilian coast.

The vast territory, with an area greater than 8 million square kilometers, and the. Historically, this infrastructure was implemented in a disconnected way, without integrated planning and, as pointed out by Sergio Besserman in his interview, without economic rationale.

The result was the predominance of a transportation model by diesel-powered trucks, without prominent railroads or river barge routes in a country with one of the largest potentials for waterways in the world. In a scenario of global policies of reduction in carbon emissions, Brazil began from a backward position, with a slow, burdensome system of considerable environmental impact. There are other questions linked to this distribution. Since a large part of the Brazilian primary production originates in the continental portion of the country, especially in the Central-West, and the export facilities are, invariably, on the East Coast, an enormous flow of heavy trucks must pass through areas of greater population density and urbanization—the large metropolises.

Therefore, regions where public transport and mobility are already complex questions find themselves obliged to also think about urban networks for the circulation of merchandise. The externalities of this circulation in the intra-urban context are a theme of discussion in a wide range of places. Where to situate the arteries—referring to the urban metabolism mentioned by Philip Yang, who writes in this chapter—and the supply depots are key questions in the planning and management of Brazilian cities.

Relating origin and destination in the primary production requires a reflection on which cities and populations are being formed at these poles. Rather than being designed for the lives of their residents, they were materialized as a response to the needs of determined products. Areas of shipping and export facilities also wind up developing their structure according to their role as the site of depots.

Focused on their ports, airports or railways, like the large primary producers, they become cities of a single function. While the point of production becomes more fragile in the generation of jobs, income and living conditions, something different takes place in the cities that are along the way between sources and destinations. A systemic understanding is thus necessary: the relation of the material flows through the Brazilian territory is not uniform, and the productive sources constitute a nearly invisible wall of social inequality.

In general, the producer cities have a less dynamic economy and offer fewer social opportunities. Such understanding would also permit the rural-urban duality to be seen as a relation of complementary parts that can foster new local and regional opportunities and development. The Map The map essentially considers the landscape created by the impact of primary production in Brazil. Four questions are highlighted: the specialization of the commodities—mining especially iron , agriculture and livestock raising soybeans, chicken meat , petroleum and wood; how they circulate through the country; the composition of the trade balance; and the urban layers that are related to these dynamics.

The aim is to reveal the scale of this production which, although it is one of the main economic sources of the country, the power is not translated into progress for the social issues related to it. The map relied on various collaborations, especially that of Pedro Camargo, the developer of the project AequilibraE. He was in charge of the processing of the consolidated data regarding the movement of commodities throughout the territory. The national information of the logistics companies was transformed into a network of links and nodes—representing, respectively, the circulation of merchandise between the Brazilian microregions and their central points.

Four main categories were considered in these flows: general bulk, liquid bulk, solid agricultural bulk and nonagricultural solid bulk. The information on imports are represented at the left, exports at the right, according to products, countries and distribution centers. Lastly, in a social layer, the map shows the population density in the Brazilian cities compared to their amount of petroleum extraction—a commodity that is used more in areas far from where it is processed—suggesting the inequalities arising from flows of material through the Brazilian territory.

Walls What are the greatest logistical and economic obstacles to the flow of goods in Brazil? The infrastructure that enables and organizes this flow was built without any economic rationale. We have never had a government capable of long-term planning and we have difficulty in developing collective solutions. As a consequence, today we have infrastructure that suffers from low productivity: a country, continental in size, that uses diesel trucks to transport freight.

In an era that could be defined by a transition to low carbon, we have very little coastal navigation, few waterways considering our potential. There is neither planning nor control over the use of land in cities, which results in unnecessary risks and impacts on the environment and the health and well-being of people. We are experiencing a problem that is not unique to Brazil: mining, or any activity with high short-term economic returns, always attracts lots of people.

When the activity ends, because the resource is exhausted, we have people left in squalid conditions and a degraded environment. Today, municipalities and large and medium-sized companies are aware of this, so some very interesting experiments are beginning to happen. This integration of science, technology and production with traditional populations.

Animals, plants and fungi need to circulate between natural environments. Behavior and micro-politics. Side effects What are the most critical socioeconomic and environmental impacts from the production and transportation of goods around Brazil? How does one balance the high demand from foreign markets, like China, and development on a local scale? From a socioeconomic standpoint, the most critical impact is from the inefficiency of our infrastructure.

The environmental impact could be huge, for two main reasons: first, risks are not always well managed; second, because of climate change. The World Bank predicts that this could potentially wipe out all the progress made on poverty over the last 20 to 30 years. It is a terrible threat that will result in wars, genocides, perverse suffering. The greatest impact of selling commodities to the entire world tends to be the enterprise itself, even more so than its transportation.

Cattle raising causes deforestation and emits greenhouse gases; agriculture causes deforestation and reduces biodiversity. But for all of this there is a solution, based on scientific and indigenous knowledge. Farming cannot continue to use the same amount of nitrogen and phosphorus.

We know that when it rains, these chemicals are carried by streams to rivers and end up creating dead zones in oceans, a problem even bigger than that of plastic. We can farm and protect reserves, by paying close attention to the connections between biomes. Alone, we cannot help nature deal with the climate change that we have created. Nature is extraordinary and very. How is the production of commodities in Brazil related to the different consumption patterns of Brazilians? How does a growth development model affect individual lifestyles?

First, Brazil is an unjust country and the most effective way to deal with poverty generated by huge inequality is to grow, grow, grow. So we are hostage to growthat-any-cost developmentalism. We have to discover how to grow with fewer impacts. Brazilian society has a hierarchy based on conspicuous consumption, an unconscionable, perverse consumption. Another interesting topic is conscientious consumption, where products must have labels that warn us if they are responsible for polluting, warming the planet, reducing biodiversity or promoting deforestation.

And how could alternative models to predatory extractivism transform our energy grid? To do this, you have to increase governance and engage everyone. An important tool for this is the Cadastro Ambiental Rural [Rural Environmental Registry — CAR] which georeferences the properties and allows any citizen to monitor for possible deforestation. We need to improve monitoring efficiency and punish those who deforest, but also create opportunities for surrounding populations and value prevention and sustainable management.

Brazil has more forest area in need of restoration than any other. We could feed the world with our degraded pastures alone. This would make a big difference in the fight against climate change. Except for our hydroelectric network, our infrastructure is from the fossil fuel age. This is a huge problem, but it is also an opportunity.

If we make the transition to low-carbon infrastructure, the competitive advantages for Brazil will be extraordinary. We can supply food, energy, materials, based on biotechnology and synthetic biology, all of it with almost zero carbon. Transformative potential Which economic or land planning mechanisms can be associated with the production and shipping of commodities to ensure conservation and prevent environmental crimes like the Rio Doce case?

Improving the quality of democracy in Brazil is the best way of avoiding disaster. The greatest challenge in Brazilian infrastructure is to reorganize it more efficiently, which depends mainly on governance, and the ability to find collective solutions. The specificities of each region need to be studied.

In the Amazon, you may think that a road is a cheaper solution, but a road promotes deforestation. With the railroad, you have to go to the station, where you can control whether the timber is under management or is illegally logged. And there are also the waterways.

But all of this must take into consideration that a low carbon economy will one day be a component in the price of everything, especially commodities. Supplying the cheapest and most. The awareness that cities are the largest and most complex artifacts ever created by civilizations has inspired urban studies in different fields of knowledge that go far beyond the classic discipline of urbanism.

As a result, several metaphors have emerged to represent the city, revealing the new outlooks and distinct analytical and methodological perspectives brought about by this expanded range of approaches. Semiotics and social psychology, for example, interpret the city as a sign1. In life sciences it is viewed as a living organism and its physical networks are described as tissues,2 in an allusion to the sets of cells that make up animals and plants.

A metaphor derived from biochemistry, urban metabolism3 is used to describe the energy, water, food and waste processes of cities. The ubiquitous presence in urban environments of commodities, understood as general products intended for commercial use, instigates the creation of yet another metaphor, derived from mechanics: the city as a machine, consumer and processor of such products. Therefore, given the ubiquity of commodities in cities,. See the interesting article by Nikita A.

New York: Oxford Library of Psychology, See the studies of urban morphology and references to the urban tissue in Saverio Muratori, Studi per una operante storia urbana di Venezia, I. Roma: Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato, See, for example, the lines of research developed by Delft University of Technology. Available at: urbanmetabolism. Accessed on: March 20, Historically, extractive cities that did not diversify their economies, such as Ojuela in Mexico, Sewell in West Virginia US , or Copperfield in Queensland Australia , became ghost towns following depletion of the extraction resource.

Economics defines commodities as a set of products of a generic, basic and highly fungible nature, i. Among many possible categorizations, commodities may be ranked as extractive iron, copper, zinc, aluminum , energy or fossil gas, coal, oil and agricultural soy, rice, wheat.

Given the broad process of commoditization of industrialized goods, one may also affirm that industrial commodities forcibly emerge as a fourth and necessary category of analysis. They have poorly diversified economies and small markets, and therefore do not stand out as machines in the other categories. We might think of both cities as belonging to a subtype characterized by intensive extraction of non-fossil commodities and by equally intensive consumption of fossil commodities.

Throughout history, trading cities have played a key role in the transfer of goods and exchange of ideas between different parts of the world. As a side effect, trade brought wealth and capital accumulation, which made it possible to improve industrial processes such as printing and the manufacture of glass and paper, as well as promote the advancement of medicine, philosophy, astronomy and agriculture.

The trade of basic goods on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange is worth one quadrillion dollars per year, although the city itself has no physical facilities associated with these transactions, which relate mainly to virtual operations performed over the entire planet. Levels of operation, such as value adder, are certainly higher in more mature. And while such a correlation is intuitively obvious, the nuances that may be inferred from more in-depth quantitative studies are potentially revealing of less obvious social and economic causes and effects, even pulling in opposite directions.

In their role as value adders, they aim to make goods that are fungible—or undifferentiated— acquire traits of differentiation. Such differentiation necessarily occurs in the field of innovation: enhancement of goods, branding and marketing, and the supply of services associated with them.

In a more constrained movement, but representative of new trends, several mature cities in the developed world whose production of commodities is currently close to zero are striving to implement agricultural production in urban areas. At the same time, many consumers in these cities have started favoring commodities with certificates of origin, and therefore differentiated, refuting the very concept of commodities, which is non-differentiation.

Non-genetically modified corn, free-range eggs, organic vegetables and antibiotic-free meat are just a few examples of products offered to consumers interested in traceability and therefore differentiation of commodities. In another example, potentially larger in scale, enhancement of 3D printing will allow, in the near future, the production of industrial commodities, currently restricted to peri-urban areas, in urban and even domestic environments.

The different examples listed in the sparse and disorderly inventory above suggest that forms of treatment and consumption of commodities in urban environments are lively indicators of various economic and social trends in cities. On the demand level, comparison of consumption rates between different types of commodities may indicate the shortcomings and virtues of each urban machine and suggest a course of action for certain sectors.

One may conclude from these rambling ideas that the systematization in the machine city of an input-output framework focused on commodities may potentially generate a set of indicators capable of guiding urban. New Jersey: Princeton University Press, Although they are less attractive to the marketplace of ideas than metaphors derived from emerging disciplines, the lines of research that advance in this approach— addressing the city-as-a-commodity-processingmachine—seem therefore worthy of the current agenda.

This is especially true if we recall that the global economic restructuring initiated in the s was also accompanied by a spatial restructuring of cities, which thereafter took on different roles. While some of them have become centers of command in the global economy, concentrating management roles,5 others remained linked to production activities.

Within this economic and territorial hierarchy, the most prominent cities are those capable of managing their territories in order to induce their transformation into new innovation-producing machine cities. When we analyze the human impact within the geographical space we note that the territorial borders are not limiting factors. Ecosystems do not respect geopolitical borders. The analysis of an ecosystem— concept that presupposes the relation between beings and physicochemical factors of the determined environments—does not involve, therefore, only visible questions.

In the common definition, an ecosystem is a natural environment, without anthropic transformations. Here, however, it involves the human being and his or her interactions with the surroundings, influenced by natural, economic, cultural and social variables. How can an ecosystem be impacted by man and vice versa?

What role do geographic borders have in this? The analysis of territories such as Brazil and South America helps to understand these questions. On the scale of the city, the conflicts between man and ecosystem are constant, often linked to social factors. The rapid process of Brazilian urbanization resulted in cities where planning could not catch up to speed to the informal growth. Industrial labor, without access to good-quality of dwellings, settled in areas without infrastructure, on the fringes of the urban centers, often in environmental protection areas.

In , the Technical Assistance Law was passed,1 which guarantees low-income families earing three times the minimum wage or less, in urban or rural areas technical plans and accompaniment in the construction of a dwelling. Encompassing questions of. Although it is an important and entirely new endeavor, the law is not without its flaws: the target families are unaware of it, and because of the scarce dialogue between architects and urbanists, engineers, geologists and health technicians, it does not produce significant results.

Conflicts of an environmental order are not limited to the scale of cities only. To reach a deep understanding of our ecosystem it is necessary to consider the positive or negative externalities, in multiple scales simultaneously. In recent years, there has been a significant reduction of the Brazilian forests, especially in Amazonia.

The rampant deforestation is related, on one hand, with considerable gains in exportation, and, on the other, represents a significant loss of natural ecosystems fundamental for maintaining the Brazilian and South American bio-climatic balance. As we are reminded by Antonio Donato Nobre in his interview, the location of South America in relation to the equator ensures the continent relatively mild temperatures, which has allowed for the establishment of a significant equatorial flora, of high humidity, thanks to the vapors from the transpiration of plant life.

Water and Queer Intimacy. Back Matter Pages About this book Introduction This collection explores the emergence of new spatialities and subjectivities in Brazilian films produced from the s onwards, a period that became known as the retomada , but especially in the cinema of the new millennium.

The chapters take spatiality as a powerful tool that can reveal aesthetic, political, social, and historical meanings of the cinematographic image instead of considering space as just a formal element of a film. From the rich cross-fertilization of different theories and disciplines, this edited collection engages with the connection between space and subjectivity in Brazilian cinema while raising new questions concerning spatiality and subjectivity in cinema and providing new models and tools for film analysis.

Editors and affiliations. University of Surrey Guildford United Kingdom 2.

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